tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3282757221828588842024-03-14T20:10:00.004+04:00Caucasian JournalCaucasian Journal (“CJ”) is a multilingual impartial forum for dialogue on significant issues relevant to South Caucasus region (Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan) Unknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger153125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-91154324827207225792024-03-13T15:00:00.001+04:002024-03-13T15:00:43.459+04:00Ambassador Ahmed ALNUAIMI: "I am fortunate to be posted to Georgia during this dynamic period of emerging relations between UAE and this strategically significant nation"<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 6px;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgOHHQYUzMFwyWerNfWiVd2MXr4lw5cN3NyiaH1glR0NNFtmgp_SZcGZQLYmP-wqSn0-BkBHZzJit6xIUEZfEhRdV5pJvorN7FSH9ItNGaaaM2iZRzzZGa-24WxbLycZ-Tdn5VCjxlRMYeDjwFmlgM5pOn_limQ25yOt5oUOhb-UUu1-dS5GxT1g3Wn3pnu/s536/Amb%20Alnuaimi%20small.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="Ahmed Ebrahim Ahmed Taher ALNUAIMI" border="0" data-original-height="536" data-original-width="436" height="312" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgOHHQYUzMFwyWerNfWiVd2MXr4lw5cN3NyiaH1glR0NNFtmgp_SZcGZQLYmP-wqSn0-BkBHZzJit6xIUEZfEhRdV5pJvorN7FSH9ItNGaaaM2iZRzzZGa-24WxbLycZ-Tdn5VCjxlRMYeDjwFmlgM5pOn_limQ25yOt5oUOhb-UUu1-dS5GxT1g3Wn3pnu/w254-h312/Amb%20Alnuaimi%20small.jpg" title="Ahmed Ebrahim Ahmed Taher ALNUAIMI" width="254" /></a></div></div></div><span style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: black;">13.03.2024</span><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #336699; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-decoration-line: none;"> (Caucasian Journal</a><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><span>)</span></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b>. </b></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b>It is an honour for <i>Caucasian Journal</i> today to welcome </b></span><b style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif;">His Excellency Ahmed Ebrahim Ahmed Taher ALNUAIMI, the Ambassador of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) to Georgia. </b></div></span></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: right;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>Alexander KAFFKA, editor-in-chief of Caucasian Journal: </b></i><span style="font-style: italic;">Your Excellency, welcome to Caucasian Journal, and thank you for finding time for our readers. Your ambassadorial term in Georgia started about a year ago, if I am correct. Probably you have already got substantial local experience. May I start by asking about your brightest moments in Georgia – maybe something unexpected, emotional, or even funny?</span><br /><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-style: italic; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>Ahmed ALNUAIMI: </b>Serving as the Ambassador of the United Arab Emirates to Georgia has been a rewarding experience, affording me the opportunity to play a pivotal role in fostering collaboration between our two nations. My tenure so far here has been an extremely positive experience. The gracious hospitality extended to me by the Georgian people has made an indelible mark on my diplomatic mission.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Moreover, I have been impressed by the culinary delights that Georgia offers, and the scenic beauty of the country has been a continuous source of awe and inspiration throughout my work here. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">In addition to these elements, I have been deeply impressed by the rich traditions of tolerance ingrained in Georgian culture and history. The spirit of acceptance and coexistence has played a significant role in shaping the nation's identity, fostering a harmonious society that embraces diversity. These values resonate strongly with those of the UAE, a nation home to a diverse population representing more than 200 nationalities, and multiple cultures and religious backgrounds. Consequently, I am convinced that our countries will sustain a friendly and rewarding collaboration, achieving mutual success in the future.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><i><br /></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>Can you tell us also a bit more about yourself, your background? </i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><i><br /></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AA: </b>My diplomatic career commenced in 2007 when I assumed a position within the Economic Affairs Department at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the UAE. Preceding my present appointment, I held the position of Deputy Permanent Representative of the UAE to the United Nations and International Organizations in Vienna. Additionally, my professional career encompasses notable roles within the Department of Arab Affairs at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, service at the UAE Embassy in Brazil, and active participation in the UAE Lobbying Team for securing the hosting of the International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA).</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Each of these distinguished roles has played an instrumental part in shaping the depth of knowledge and expertise that I bring to bear in my current responsibilities as the Ambassador of the United Arab Emirates to Georgia.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><i><br /></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>Can you summarize how Georgia is generally viewed from the Emirates, and was the appointment to Georgia a surprise for you?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><i><br /></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AA: </b>Georgia plays a pivotal role as a connecting point between Europe and Asia, with its seaports serving as hubs for the entirety of the Caucasus region. Georgia's significance extends beyond geographical considerations; it encompasses the economic opportunities inherent in the region, making it an attractive destination for both Emirati investors and tourists.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Over the past five decades, the UAE has steadfastly worked to strengthen international partnerships, fostering a rapid evolution to enhance the competitiveness and sustainability of its economy. Our foreign policy is strategically focused on supporting long-term economic prosperity for the region and beyond. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Our deep and distinguished relations with all countries reflect our values rooted in openness, partnership, building bridges, and working towards achieving peace and common interests globally. Our policy is marked by significant balance and dynamism, underpinned by a steadfast commitment to adherence to international law and respect for the sovereignty of states. This has strengthened our international position and positioned us as a reliable political and economic partner.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The UAE believes in the importance of communication and dialogue as a necessity to strengthen and develop constructive relations that serve our national interests. Against this backdrop, I find myself particularly fortunate to be posted to Georgia during this dynamic period of emerging relations between the UAE and this strategically significant nation. The evolving dynamics present a wealth of opportunities, and I am dedicated to furthering collaborative efforts that will fortify the ties between our two nations in pursuit of mutual prosperity and shared goals.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">The preliminary data for the year 2023 revealed a six percent increase in total non-oil trade between the two countries. Additionally, there was an 18.9 percent upswing in the number of tourists visiting Georgia from the UAE.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>We are glad to see an increase of business and investment activities of between UAE and Georgia, in particular after signing the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) last October. CEPA is expected to accelerate capital flow into high-priority sectors, such as tourism, retail, logistics, and manufacturing, and expected to boost non-oil trade value beyond $1.5 bn in the next five years. How do you assess its implementation?</i></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><i><br /></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AA: </b>The CEPA was signed against the backdrop of rapidly advancing trade and investment ties between the UAE and Georgia. The preliminary data for the year 2023 revealed a six percent increase in total non-oil trade between the two countries. Additionally, there was an 18.9 percent upswing in the number of tourists visiting Georgia from the UAE. Notably, in a historic milestone for trade relations, preliminary reports indicate imports reached USD 15 million, which represented an increase of 45.8%.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">These substantial advancements underscore the robust and growing economic relationship between our nations. As part of a long-term strategy to diversify its economic links and develop strong international partnerships across trade, industry, and investment, the UAE has initiated several CEPAs with strategic partners, including with Georgia.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The UAE firmly believes that the future of regional security relies on strong multilateral partnerships and a shared commitment to achieving stability and prosperity through peaceful political and economic means. CEPAs will continue to pave the way for greater opportunities for the region’s peoples, opening doors to vital economic development across the Middle East. These agreements promise to shorten trade routes and increase the ease of doing business throughout the region and in other markets such as Europe and Asia, as well as Africa and Latin America.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Furthermore, CEPAs are formulated to promote economic opportunities built around digital and traditional trade. Goods traded by sea, road, and air enjoy faster, easier access, unlocking the untapped potential of digital trade, cross-border data flows, and blockchain. These agreements are not only beneficial for the UAE but also for our partners.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The UAE, being a trading nation, has always realized the imperative of prosperity and the free flow of goods and services as a central tenet of any modern, peaceful, forward-looking nation. CEPAs are simply the latest step in this journey. Over the past 50 years, the UAE has rapidly transformed into a fully diversified modern economy, now serving as a hub for trade and logistics. The vision for the next 50 years is to make the UAE a global capital of investment and economic creativity, encompassing an integrated incubator for entrepreneurship, emerging projects, and new economic opportunities.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><i><br /></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>Is it true that UAE is already the sixth-largest global investor in Georgia, especially in the real estate sector? In your view, is there anything that must be done to make Georgia even more attractive destination for investors from the Emirates? Do you know of any problems that the investors might have faced?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><br /></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AA: </b>The UAE is one of the first countries in the region to initiate significant and diversified investments in Georgia, commencing in 2006. The commitment to these investments has resulted in the allocation of funds exceeding an estimated USD 1 billion, underscoring the UAE’s position as the largest investor from the Gulf region in Georgia. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The implemented investment projects encompass diverse sectors, ranging from multiple hotel and shopping center chains to the retail business and real estate ventures. Additionally, UAE companies have indicated a keen interest in Georgia's energy sector, particularly in the development of renewable energy projects.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Georgia's substantial investments in infrastructure provide a robust foundation for continued growth, with opportunities for positive enhancements, particularly in refining transportation and communication networks. Such improvements are poised to further facilitate the seamless operation of businesses, underscoring the commitment of the UAE to contribute to Georgia's economic development and prosperity.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><i><br /></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>We have heard about such projects as the 600-key Pontus Rotana Resort in Gonio (near Batumi) by UAE hotel management company Rotana, to open in 2026. Are there perhaps any other new business projects that you would like mention? </i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><br /></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AA: </b>In addition to the above-mentioned Pontus Rotana resort, other UAE investment companies are in the process of implementing significant new projects in Georgia. Masdar, a leading renewable energy company based in the UAE, has recently signed an agreement with the Georgian Energy Development Fund (GEDF) to undertake the development of a solar power plant project in the country. Construction for the project is set to start in 2025.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Furthermore, there are anticipated investment agreements in the pipeline in real estate development and logistics that we hope to announce this year.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><i><br /></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>You have a full picture of bilateral relations between our countries – in political, economic, cultural fields. Are there any achievements, or future projects that you want to emphasize?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><i><br /></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AA: </b>Since the formalization of diplomatic relations between our two countries more than three decades ago, the partnership between the UAE and Georgia has dynamically evolved in diverse sectors, including across political cooperation, the economy and culture, and people-to-people ties.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">In addition to the CEPA signing, over the last year, we have witnessed a considerable number of reciprocal high-level visits, the inaugural UAE-Georgia Business forum, the launching of new UAE investment projects in Georgia, and increases in bilateral trade, which reaffirms the mutual commitment to fostering strong bilateral ties between the two nations. The UAE believes there is huge potential for bilateral relations, which will lead us towards further progress in the years ahead.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">In terms of cultural exchange, the Embassy organized an Evening of Arts and Classical Music by Emirati and Georgian artists last October, which commemorated the 30th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the United Arab Emirates and Georgia. The event celebrated the achievements of the last three decades and the two countries leadership’s dedication to strengthening the people-to-people connections. Furthermore, in the coming years, we anticipate engaging in diverse cultural, economic, and educational exchanges that will further enhance the fabric of our bilateral ties. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><i><br /></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>In the field of education and science, an important meeting of the ministers of education of UAE and Georgia took place last month, where a memorandum was signed with some concrete areas of cooperation. Would you like to comment on the possible practical steps that will follow? </i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">Given Georgia's popularity as a study destination, the agreement is poised to attract more students and scholars. The Embassy is ready to facilitate participation of Georgian students and scholars in educational awards, scholarships, and exchanges initiated by the UAE.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AA: </b>Within the educational field, the UAE is confident that cooperation between relevant higher educational institutions and implementing joint scientific projects will be mutually beneficial for both countries' educational systems.</div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Given Georgia's popularity as a study destination for international students, including citizens and residents of the UAE, the aforementioned agreement is poised to attract more students and scholars. Moreover, the Embassy is ready to further facilitate increased participation of Georgian students and scholars in educational awards, scholarships, and exchange programs initiated by the UAE.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><i><br /></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>May I ask about your personal interests, favourite hobbies or sports, that you might like to share with our readers? Maybe your personal preferences would help you to find and implement some new interesting cooperation ideas…</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><br /></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AA: </b>Outside of my diplomatic responsibilities, I harbor a profound interest in cultural exploration that extends to the arts and traditions of different nations. This cultural immersion not only enriches my personal experiences but also serves as a foundation for fostering mutual understanding and collaboration.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Furthermore, my commitment to environmental sustainability is evident in my advocacy for ‘green’ initiatives. I firmly believe that addressing climate change and promoting sustainable practices are global imperatives. Collaborative projects centered around renewable energy, conservation efforts, or joint initiatives to combat environmental challenges could be pivotal in strengthening diplomatic ties.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The UAE firmly believes that integrating elements of art, culture, and sustainability into diplomatic initiatives will lead to fostering a deeper understanding and collaboration between nations.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><i><br /></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>If there is anything else that you would like to add for our readers, the floor is yours.</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><i><br /></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AA: </b>I just want to thank all Georgians for their warm hospitality and friendship and reiterate that I look forward to discovering more of this beautiful country, while staying committed to expanding the existing relations into new areas of mutual interest.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>Thank you very much! We wish you a most successful and enjoyable ambassadorial work in our country.</i></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span><span><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif;"><div><a href="http://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="clear: right; color: #336699; float: right; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em; text-decoration-line: none;"><img border="0" height="20" src="https://2.bp.blogspot.com/-VSJGx8uzRyQ/XHZ6BraTvLI/AAAAAAAAL6U/48XreG2qcVwfTGd-lOZsbLF_90LGSwzgQCK4BGAYYCw/s200/favicon.jpg" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: none; box-shadow: transparent 0px 0px 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative;" width="20" /></a></div></div><div><div style="background-color: white; 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<!--End mc_embed_signup-->Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-82309217698912801342024-03-05T14:46:00.009+04:002024-03-09T15:43:32.940+04:00Johnny MELIKYAN: Armenian “Crossroads of Peace” initiative is a frank and peaceful approach to our neighbors and not only<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 6px;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjXFCVzCy_xtTCGM0SXOlyBIA01kbL4Re7mD-tulsGibTwy_F_gtL7wxtYzOwFCGrohHa4gOn9oYJuE32Nq-9kYA9HEO-gh7F9J6sP0D22_0Qo90wRg_0Yscy-BNCEZ9DaCKMhCLilugon9UOHtS5DYl8-9HBreGPelVxPIA9Pgt0VfihMMOnOs8DUaY5_y/s394/J.%20Melikyan%20-%20cropped.png" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="J.Melikyan" border="0" data-original-height="394" data-original-width="332" height="303" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjXFCVzCy_xtTCGM0SXOlyBIA01kbL4Re7mD-tulsGibTwy_F_gtL7wxtYzOwFCGrohHa4gOn9oYJuE32Nq-9kYA9HEO-gh7F9J6sP0D22_0Qo90wRg_0Yscy-BNCEZ9DaCKMhCLilugon9UOHtS5DYl8-9HBreGPelVxPIA9Pgt0VfihMMOnOs8DUaY5_y/w256-h303/J.%20Melikyan%20-%20cropped.png" title="J.Melikyan" width="256" /></a></div></div><span style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: black;">05.03.2024</span><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #336699; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-decoration-line: none;"> (Caucasian Journal</a><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><span>)</span></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b><span><span style="background-color: transparent;"><span style="line-height: 16.632px;"> Our today's guest is </span></span></span></b></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b>Johnny MELIKYAN, Senior Fellow at the ORBELI Research Analytical Center (Yerevan).</b></span></div></span></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: right;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>Alexander KAFFKA, editor-in-chief of Caucasian Journal: </b></i><span style="font-style: italic;">Dear Johnny, welcome to Caucasian Journal! As our name implies, we are especially interested in projects which are important for the whole South Caucasian region, and are about closer integration of our countries. That’s why we were looking forward to talking about the “Crossroads of Peace”, presented by the Prime Minister of Armenia in Tbilisi, when Mr. Pashinyan attended the Silk Road Forum last October. For a start, how can you summarize this project for our readers? And also, may I ask if your Center was involved in the development of this project?</span><br /><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-style: italic; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>Johnny MELIKYAN: </b>First of all, I want to thank you for the opportunity to talk about Armenia and our approach to this wonderful, but at the same time, so complicated and divided region. Answering on the last part of your question, I would say “Yes” - Orbeli Center is working with our government on information support for this project. And this interview is yet another opportunity to speak with a large audience about the Armenian peaceful agenda in the South Caucasus.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Speaking about the situation in the region, I want to say that the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in the autumn of 2020 changed the <i>status-quo</i>, which was formed in the mid-90s, just after the first Nagorno-Karabakh war. It took the lives of thousands of people in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. The wounds and pains of that war on families, towns and villages will take a long time to heal. Its outcome determined some issues, left others unresolved, and created some new ones. Later, in 2021-2022, on the Armenian-Azerbaijani state border and in September 2023 in Nagorno-Karabakh, we saw more blood and sufferings. As a result of September 19-20 Azerbaijani large-scale aggression against the people of Nagorno-Karabakh, which took hundreds of lives, including among the civilian population, women and children. As a result of this ethnic cleansing, more than 100 thousand people became forcibly displaced.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">On the other side, the new situation and developments since the end of hostilities on 9-10 November 2020, also present Armenia and Azerbaijan with new opportunities to de-escalate and stabilize the situation on the ground. Particularly in the area of connectivity (in a broader term). Then, on 9-10 November 2020, the leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan, together with Russia, signed the trilateral statement that formally ended the 44-day Nagorno-Karabakh War. As a continuation, second document was signed by the three countries on 11 January 2021, the main purpose of which was to elaborate on the implementation of Article 9 of the trilateral statement which provides for “unblocking all economic and transport connections in the region”, and established a working group on the issue of restoration of infrastructures.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">As a practical step to implement this idea, later sides decided to set up expert subgroups with the participation of representatives of the relevant agencies of the three sides to work on the railway, automobile and intermodal transportation, including security, border, sanitary and veterinary, regulatory controls. But, as different incidents and provocations from Azerbaijani side occurred, the work of the working group and the sub groups has been sluggish. Trying to reset the process, leaders of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Russia, during their meeting in Sochi on 26 November 2021 adopted another statement reaffirming commitment to implementation and unconditional observance of all the provisions of the 9-10 November 2020 and 11 January 2021 statements and agreed to intensify joint efforts aimed at the immediate resolution of the remaining issues.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Why I am going so deep is because I want to show that despite the above-mentioned challenges that the Republic of Armenia faces since 2020, official Yerevan has repeatedly confirmed its commitment to sign a “peace treaty” with Azerbaijan based on the principles of international law, on mutual recognition of territorial integrity and sovereignty. Also, Armenia reaffirms its commitment to take part of responsibility and contribute to achieving long-term peace in our region.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">However, our adversarial neighbor Azerbaijan employed not only military force to avoid the implementation of this agreement, but started to use the term “Zangezur corridor” as a component of their information warfare strategy, demanding from Armenia to provide an exterritorial corridor to its exclave - Nakhchivan. In parallel, from August 2022, official Baku started to use other narratives, such as "Western Azerbaijan", laying claim to certain territories of the Republic of Armenia, and referring to the internationally recognized Armenia-Azerbaijan state border as a "conditional border". This policy became increasingly apparent following the large-scale military aggression and occupation of over 200 square kilometers of Armenian territories in September 2022.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">In response to Azerbaijani aggressive information warfare and as a follow-up to agreements reached during the trilateral meeting in Brussels in December 2021 (under the auspices of President of the European Council Charles Michel), Yerevan proposed the "Armenian Crossroads" initiative, which later evolved into the "Crossroads of Peace" project. This initiative, serving as a practical implementation of the Armenian peace agenda, was initially introduced by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan during his address at the Tbilisi Silk Road Forum in October 2023.I also was there and witnessed the attentive interest with which delegates, including those from Azerbaijan, listened to Prime Minister Pashinyan's remarks.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjcEgi_9Fu6thRVQS3z2JlIQdrVvyU_ZtfjhO7Lv3RaByCm3-nhbgDs3uoq-0NBbDvpMGdDV7POsIcvnKqNWTnUA6TkHDxgHNXMfzVzfjSM-WYJCzZ8zIwKRAcHUsd5twqIfbu7PE1udGNDrGqpCsKPthpoOSBHlfAya7l3WoZwWUuKE677BFoauHwxGxwM/s1138/CFP.jpg" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="888" data-original-width="1138" height="440" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjcEgi_9Fu6thRVQS3z2JlIQdrVvyU_ZtfjhO7Lv3RaByCm3-nhbgDs3uoq-0NBbDvpMGdDV7POsIcvnKqNWTnUA6TkHDxgHNXMfzVzfjSM-WYJCzZ8zIwKRAcHUsd5twqIfbu7PE1udGNDrGqpCsKPthpoOSBHlfAya7l3WoZwWUuKE677BFoauHwxGxwM/w563-h440/CFP.jpg" width="563" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">"Crossroads of Peace" map - click to enlarge</td></tr></tbody></table><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Coming back to your question, the "Crossroads of Peace" project is a half-billion-dollar mega-project with two levels of activities: domestic and regional. It also requires the further development of communications between all countries of the region by means of renovating, building, and operating roads, railways, pipelines, cables, and electricity lines. Here it also should be mentioned, that it must be based on the main four principals: sovereignty and jurisdiction of the countries, as well as reciprocity and equality.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">So, I strongly believe that this project is beneficial to all the people that live in our region and can become one of the pillars of regional stability and further inclusive development.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>There are plenty of aspects – political, economic, historic and cultural – that might influence the implementation of this ambitious project. I hope we will touch some of them, though maybe more interviews might be needed in future, for a clearer picture. Let’s start with the good things - the most obvious and easy to see elements of the Armenian proposal. Together with new transport routes, it offers the opening of 12 checkpoints on the border with Azerbaijan, Türkiye, Iran from the Armenian side. How dramatic is this change from the status quo, and how attractive it might be in the eyes of neighbors?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>JM: </b>So, as I already mentioned, the “Crossroads of Peace” project has two levels of implementation. On a domestic level it is designed to modernize the Republic's infrastructure capabilities and on the regional level - to use them and extend cooperative proposals with all neighboring nations. This project, in a large context, is designed to establish connections between the Persian Gulf, the Gulf of Oman, the Black Sea, the Caspian Sea, and the Mediterranean Sea through a consolidated regional railway network. Additionally, it aims to connect these regions via the North-South and East-West roads, creating vital transportation links across vast geographical expanses.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;"> “Open borders, unlocked infrastructures, active economic, political and cultural ties. These are the conditions necessary to establish long-term peace in our region”, </b><span style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">- is the main idea of the proposed “Crossroads of Peace” project</span><span face=""helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif" style="color: #76a5af; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">.</span></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">I believe that possible implementation of the “Crossroads of Peace” project (on the regional dimension) can lead to deep interconnections and interdependence between the countries of the region with strong infrastructural ties with the neighboring countries and regions. Thus, it will allow turning the South Caucasus into the crossroad between the East and the West, the North and the South, as it used to be for centuries.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">I do see the positive signals from our neighboring partners: Georgia and Iran. From the other side, Azerbaijan and Türkiye, operating as strategic allies, are actively working to maintain Armenia in a state of blockade, thereby contributing to a broader regional atmosphere characterized by tension rather than peace and stability. So, it’s evident that Azerbaijan has no willingness to achieve peace in a short-term perspective.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">But, regarding domestic implementation of the “Crossroads of Peace” project, there are already some preliminary calculations, that the modernization of all infrastructure capabilities inside Armenia will cost half a billion USD. Armenia is already implementing some infrastructure projects in the Syunik region (in the south of the Republic), and others yet to come.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>New transport communications are always good, as long as they are used for peaceful trade, not for the troops deployment. But to attract business, and make the transport companies change their logistics in favor of them, the key is not only economic benefit, but also long-term stability and safety. From your standpoint, what is the role of political guarantees for successful implementation of “Crossroads of Peace”, and how do you see them in practice? Is it about the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace agreement, or something else?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>JM:</b> Indeed, the primary focus should be on reaching a peace agreement with robust political guarantees from Azerbaijan, further reinforced by assurances from external actors like the United States. Only this option will be beneficial not only for our states and the region, but also to the international community. By securing such guarantees, we can lay the foundation for stability, prosperity, and cooperation, fostering an environment conducive to peace and mutual development. Therefore, prioritizing diplomatic efforts towards achieving this goal is paramount for ensuring a positive outcome for all stakeholders involved.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">However, the persistent obstacle remains the security situation on the ground, with Azerbaijan's revisionist and aggressive stance posing a significant challenge to progress. Consequently, it seems unlikely, at this stage, that we'll see international transport companies swiftly altering their logistics to utilize our region, given the prevailing security concerns. Despite these challenges, it remains imperative for Armenia to continue working on the peace agenda and actively engage more international partners in this process. By doing so, we can garner broader support and collaboration to address the underlying issues and pave the way for sustainable peace and prosperity in the region.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Speaking of the peace process, I remain hopeful that the Brussels platform will continue its operation in the near future and yield positive outcomes. However, the primary obstacle to achieving a genuine peace treaty lies in the apparent lack of willingness in Baku to pursue peace.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK:</b> Do you expect that Azerbaijan, even if coming to a peace agreement with Armenia, would “automatically” approve direct transport communication between Armenia and Türkiye? Baku had already signaled that the Zangezur Corridor (the route from Azerbaijan mainland to Nakhchivan through Armenia) "lost its attractiveness", as Azerbaijan is building an alternative route through the Iranian territory.</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>JM:</b> If we can achieve peace, then numerous possibilities become feasible. However, the critical question lies in understanding the preconditions set by Baku, as they have already made claims to the territorial integrity of Armenia, introducing terms like "West Azerbaijan," which Ankara has supported.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Yet, if we envision a scenario where Türkiye lifts the blockade over Armenia, it could prove beneficial for both countries, particularly in terms of the development of bordering regions. Additionally, the recent consideration of constructing a railway from Kars to Nakhichevan highlights the potential for increased connectivity in the region.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">However, for this vision to materialize, unblocking communications and restoring railway connections between Armenia and Türkiye along the Kars-Gyumri route, as well as between Armenia and Azerbaijan along the Yeraskh-Julfa route are necessary. This infrastructure development would facilitate the establishment of a link between Kars (Türkiye) and Nakhichevan (Azerbaijan) via Armenia, which will be a more cost-effective solution while simultaneously fostering greater regional integration and cooperation.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Remarkably, the cost for Armenia to undertake this project is estimated to be relatively modest, approximately $10 million. This budget would cover expenses such as $8-9 million for the route from Gyumri to the Turkish border (1 km) and $1-2 million for the route from Yeraskh to the Azerbaijani border (6 km).</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">After completing these initial steps, we can move forward with another crucial aspect of communication infrastructure development. Specifically, I'm referring to the restoration and construction of a Nrnadzor-Agarak railway (43 km) in the Armenian Syunik region. This railway would establish a direct link between Nakhichevan and Azerbaijan, traversing Armenian sovereign territory. It's essential to clarify that in Armenian terminology, the notion of a "Zangezur corridor" does not exist. Instead, both we and our international partners emphasize the restoration of communications. The cost for Armenia to undertake this project is estimated to be approximately $60 million.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">It's worth noting that the Armenian route holds significant importance for Azerbaijan and the main reason is that it offers a route that is not subject to the control of Iran. For more than three decades, Azerbaijan has relied on Iranian territory to maintain ground connections with Nakhichevan. That is why I think that the Iranian route is not and will not be an alternative route for Azerbaijan and the statements from Baku may indeed be part of a broader negotiation strategy.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Armenia stands ready to offer its territory for international and regional transit purposes, as demonstrated by its commitment to initiatives like the "Crossroads of Peace" project. However, it's crucial that any such agreements are based on the principles of sovereignty, jurisdiction, reciprocity, and equality among the involved countries. These principles are essential for ensuring fairness and sustainability in any cooperative endeavors aimed at enhancing regional connectivity and cooperation.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>Let’s imagine all political obstacles are resolved… The Armenian side estimates the “Project” to ensure 4,7 million tons of cargo and 300,000 passenger transportation through regional countries during the first year of operation; by 2050 the volume of goods transported through regional countries by Armenian railway infrastructures will reach 10 million tons”. I believe this would require a substantial investment – what is in the funding plan? Or is it all financed by the Armenian state?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>JM: </b>As previously mentioned, the initial implementation of the "Crossroads of Peace" project within Armenia will be financed by the Government of Armenia. While investments from international financial organizations may come later, for now, we will rely on our own resources to initiate the project.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">In November 2023, Minister of Finance Vahe Hovhannisyan stated that the estimated cost of the "Crossroads of Peace" project would range between $400-500 million. As the project continues to develop, it's likely that updated figures will emerge, especially considering Armenia's intention to incorporate the "Dry Port" project near Gyumri into the initiative.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The government plans to invest up to $40 million in the "Dry Port," which is envisioned as a multifunctional and multimodal hub facilitating customs processes for regional and international companies. Positioned adjacent to Shirak International Airport, the railway station, and the North-South transportation corridor, the "Dry Port" is poised to transform the Shirak region, bordering Türkiye and Georgia, into an industrial zone. It will encompass a free economic zone, distribution centers, small and medium enterprises, light industry facilities, production bases, and an international food market.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK:</b> And in connection with Georgia in particular, are there any estimations, for example, about the transport costs from Armenia to Russia through Georgian territory as compared to the possible transit through Azerbaijan? Should Georgia be worried about less Armenian transit through its territory?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>JM:</b> I don’t have specific estimations regarding transportation costs from Armenia to Russia through Georgian territory compared to the potential transit through Azerbaijan. However, I firmly believe that if we can achieve peace in the region, it will open up numerous possibilities. Concerning Georgia, while they may encounter some complexities and challenges due to their historical benefit from closed borders in the region, the newfound stability will attract more investments.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Official Tbilisi has expressed keen interest in the "Crossroads of Peace" project, recognizing the potential benefits it could bring to the region. The implementation of regional infrastructure projects, including the "Crossroads of Peace," will not only help compensate for any potential expenses but also position Georgia as a major beneficiary of peace and stability in the region. Overall, the prospects of peace offer significant opportunities for economic growth and cooperation, fostering mutual benefits for all countries involved.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">
<iframe allow="autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share" allowfullscreen="true" frameborder="0" height="314" scrolling="no" src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/video.php?height=314&href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2FArmEmbGeorgia%2Fvideos%2F1389224778463906%2F&show_text=false&width=560&t=0" style="border: none; overflow: hidden;" width="560"></iframe>
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK:</b> Going back to Georgia, how do you generally assess the Georgian-Armenian perspectives after Armenia’s recognition of Nagorno-Karabakh as Azerbaijani territory (moreover, just recently the prime ministers of both countries officially consolidated a new “strategic” level of bilateral relations)?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>JM: </b>Armenian-Georgian relations boast a rich history of cultural and political ties. Throughout periods of independence, both nations have consistently maintained strong neighborly bonds and partnerships. Their relationship has been characterized by active political dialogue and robust economic cooperation, reflecting the mutual respect and collaboration between the two countries. During the rule of the Georgian Dream and after the change of power in Armenia in 2018, relations between the elites of the two countries have become even warmer. The basis for deepening relations are the trends in both countries. These are the strengthening of democracy, human rights, freedom of speech.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Recently, on January 26, the Prime Ministers of both governments, Nikol Pashinyan and Irakli Gharibashvili, signed the Declaration establishing a strategic partnership between Armenia and Georgia. This significant agreement underscores the commitment of both nations to strengthen their cooperation across various fields and deepen their longstanding ties even further.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">With our relations now officially designated as "strategic," I anticipate that Yerevan and Tbilisi will embark on a process aimed at realizing that strategic partnership. There is indeed much to be done: updating and expanding the interstate cooperation agenda, aligning legal documents with the level of strategic cooperation, and initiating various joint projects to enhance and deepen our collaboration. These efforts will lay the groundwork for a strengthened and mutually beneficial partnership between Armenia and Georgia.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK:</b> If there is anything that you would like to add for our readers, the floor is yours.</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>JM:</b> I think we had quite an interesting and inclusive interview that covered regional developments and security issues, as far as cooperation between Armenia and Georgia. Hence, I would like once again to thank you for this opportunity and reconfirm my readiness to continue our cooperation in future.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>Thank you very much!</i></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span><span><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif;"><div><a href="http://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="clear: right; color: #336699; float: right; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em; text-decoration-line: none;"><img border="0" height="20" src="https://2.bp.blogspot.com/-VSJGx8uzRyQ/XHZ6BraTvLI/AAAAAAAAL6U/48XreG2qcVwfTGd-lOZsbLF_90LGSwzgQCK4BGAYYCw/s200/favicon.jpg" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; 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<!--End mc_embed_signup-->Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-39453233083095871692024-03-02T16:13:00.014+04:002024-03-02T18:57:51.396+04:00According to Economic Freedom Index, Georgia performs better than the world and regional averages<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhyskZXOE2m9gdftg6mhV4qCyTCf0kBrznZmhGbB_eLU3pRBzFhcrb6gVDzrH00JRjotbCUgLLBoWdnLQpfNSCIiXeCww_ay_CiRQJ3COJA9AiE8x0uLujkIQK3NFRQYX5LTUd4upjHTOcQOwMFNNj-jzFHrwS9nB2tzr3HdQb15SAnv8mpc9KZnHOUxb8D/s1099/Heritage24.jpg" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="Index" border="0" data-original-height="1099" data-original-width="942" height="485" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhyskZXOE2m9gdftg6mhV4qCyTCf0kBrznZmhGbB_eLU3pRBzFhcrb6gVDzrH00JRjotbCUgLLBoWdnLQpfNSCIiXeCww_ay_CiRQJ3COJA9AiE8x0uLujkIQK3NFRQYX5LTUd4upjHTOcQOwMFNNj-jzFHrwS9nB2tzr3HdQb15SAnv8mpc9KZnHOUxb8D/w416-h485/Heritage24.jpg" title="Index" width="416" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Click to enlarge</td></tr></tbody></table><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">02.03.2024 (Caucasian Journal). Georgia ranks 32nd among 176 countries in the world, according to the Index of Economic Freedom, compiled annually by the Heritage Foundation, an American public policy think tank. Heritage Foundation evaluates the extent and effectiveness of government activity in 12 areas that have a significant impact on levels of economic growth and prosperity. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Georgia's position is higher than those of its geographical neighbors: Armenia (47th place), Azerbaijan (70th), Türkiye (102th), Russia (131th). </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Over the year, the country rose two places in the Index, despite a decrease in the overall score - from 68.7 points to 68.4 points (This, however, is partly due to a global tendency, as the authors of the Index noted: "Regrettably, the global average score for economic freedom has fallen further from the previous year’s 59.3 and is now the lowest it has been since 2001: only 58.6). </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Georgia is ranked 19th out of 44 countries in the Europe region. The country’s economic freedom score is higher than the world and regional averages. Georgia’s economy is considered “moderately free” according to the 2024 Index. Armenia and Azerbaijan are in the same category. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">"Despite a challenging external and political environment, Georgia’s economy performs quite well in key policy areas. Reforms to enhance regulatory efficiency have been implemented, and open-market policies are maintained along with low tax rates. The economy has demonstrated a high level of resilience. However, institutional weaknesses still require much more committed reforms because marginal reforms have not generated much improvement.", - reads the Index of Economic Freedom.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Armenia’s economic freedom score is 64.9, making its economy the 47th. Its rating has decreased by 0.2 point from last year, and Armenia is ranked 26th out of 44 countries in the Europe region. Like Georgia's, the Armenia's economic freedom score is higher than the world average. However, it is lower than the regional average. "The overall regulatory framework remains efficient, and policies that support open markets are in place. Armenia performs relatively well in many of the four pillars of economic freedom, but the foundations of economic freedom are not strongly sustained by an independent judiciary. Lingering corruption undermines opportunities for more vibrant economic development", according to the Index. </div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Azerbaijan’s economic freedom score is 61.6, making its economy the 70th
freest in the 2024 Index of Economic Freedom. Its rating has increased
by 0.2 point from last year, and Azerbaijan is ranked 34th out of 44 countries
in the Europe region. Like the case of Armenia, Azerbaijan's score is higher than the
world average but lower than the regional average. "Wide-ranging reforms have led to measurable progress in economic modernization and diversification, improving Azerbaijan’s overall macroeconomic and
entrepreneurial competitiveness. Openness to global trade and investment has
aided the transition to a more market-based system, but deeper institutional
and systemic reforms are needed to strengthen the foundations of economic
freedom", noted the Index. </div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The Heritage Foundation publishes the annual index of economic freedom for the 30th time. Georgia performed the best in 2021, when the country scored 77.2 points, taking 12th place. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: right;"><img border="0" height="20" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgMNzdlRhJ0kGUbW_szml-FL3DWRne16sJXkFH5I5Xa7C5AGJdd7TiUz_9ltIU7wPE1eSJsZYHksLj4udjpGDeNcy03xmcY6xQvsQUeC_qSseKt0sZ6xsrzGWgg6jY_9YlP7Iob7VlMlMeC/s200/favicon.jpg" style="background: none rgb(255, 255, 255); border: none; box-shadow: transparent 0px 0px 0px; color: #336699; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; padding: 0px; position: relative; text-align: left;" width="20" /></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; line-height: 16.632px; margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: left;">
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<!--End mc_embed_signup-->Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-44823424366821442082024-02-01T00:34:00.004+04:002024-02-16T23:50:16.099+04:00Funding opens for cultural heritage protection projects in South Caucasus<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: right;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgjigvGqa3pDjKsdY6bhsE3MYdRmJWKj6Ugjr2NgeSsYwDB0YanmLBu8PvFKJNiPQpsBQ8uu-6xgiTEyc9_CJXpB2JbL04bjzm98I4j3eoprDmofEhVZfV04lCCMQ1o9llXDaW4dmuhyH-FOCRL7V8dj7PXPmUhYBDS71oVNZh8x_6zaivIvcVKZF1-GPet/s1024/Heritage2.png" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="Small Grants Scheme for heritage-related projects" border="0" data-original-height="1024" data-original-width="1024" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgjigvGqa3pDjKsdY6bhsE3MYdRmJWKj6Ugjr2NgeSsYwDB0YanmLBu8PvFKJNiPQpsBQ8uu-6xgiTEyc9_CJXpB2JbL04bjzm98I4j3eoprDmofEhVZfV04lCCMQ1o9llXDaW4dmuhyH-FOCRL7V8dj7PXPmUhYBDS71oVNZh8x_6zaivIvcVKZF1-GPet/w320-h320/Heritage2.png" title="Small Grants Scheme for heritage-related projects" width="320" /></a></div></div>01.02.2024 (Caucasian Journal).<i> If you work in a museum or other institution related to cultural heritage protection in Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, or other EU neighbouring countries, please read on - you might find this grant call relevant.</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The European Heritage Hub project – co-funded by the European Union and run by a consortium of 20 partners led by Europa Nostra – has launched a Small Grants Scheme to support projects protecting cultural heritage in Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia, Kosovo, Moldova, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Serbia, Ukraine.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The scheme offers grants of three sizes: </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><ul style="text-align: left;"><li>Small projects – grants ranging from €2,000 to €10,000;</li><li>Medium projects – grants ranging from €10,000 to €30,000;</li><li>Large projects – grants ranging from €30,000 to €50,000.</li></ul><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>The Program supports the following types of activities:</b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /><span><a name='more'></a></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><ul style="text-align: left;"><li>Emergency planning and preparedness for heritage sites and museums, including support to inventories, simulations, and provision of equipment, including capacity building and on-the-job training - ideally with the involvement of youth;</li><li>Actionable documentation of archaeological and heritage sites, including capacity building and on-the-job training;</li><li>Regional restoration camps / on-the-job training at restoration projects in the regions concerned;</li><li>Supporting initiatives on dialogue, coordination and sharing of cross-border heritage;</li><li>Documentation, operationalisation, or transmission of traditional know-how or lifeways as a tool or strategy to respond to the causes or impacts of climate change;</li><li>Capacity building and ad hoc technical support on the vital intersection between cultural heritage and green, digital and social transformation;</li><li>Advocacy activities to raise the profile of cultural heritage in countries concerned, including specific advocacy activities aiming to save endangered sites;</li><li>Actions promoting cross-border collaboration between the regions where the eligible countries are located.</li></ul></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The deadline for applications is 31 March.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">More information and application instructions can be found <a href="https://www.europeanheritagehub.eu/call-for-applications-small-grants-scheme-for-heritage-related-projects-led-by-civil-society-in-eu-neighbouring-countries/"><b>here</b></a>.</div><div><br /></div></div></div></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; 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<!--End mc_embed_signup-->Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-22178634577675016852024-01-25T09:30:00.015+04:002024-01-25T12:30:10.751+04:00Eastern Partnership Index 2023: "A dose of realism is needed"<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEivn5VoSgn4FzQIMdLxafZLrnpg3u07hb2sntBPEEK594zh-EFHFydIdK64oKa50SZ74ynlga95F6T1fP4GzmPpdxqoYHRiy1-TBa9W6y3JVTbeWzLWyerEvO8I9egUSCZsmdy96Omm-92OEaovPs_oA2qWbyUy9cQEJY2Uow8_ZQ7KLzG15QZidKKM4J_Z/s617/Eap%20Index.png" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="EAP" border="0" data-original-height="617" data-original-width="593" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEivn5VoSgn4FzQIMdLxafZLrnpg3u07hb2sntBPEEK594zh-EFHFydIdK64oKa50SZ74ynlga95F6T1fP4GzmPpdxqoYHRiy1-TBa9W6y3JVTbeWzLWyerEvO8I9egUSCZsmdy96Omm-92OEaovPs_oA2qWbyUy9cQEJY2Uow8_ZQ7KLzG15QZidKKM4J_Z/w308-h320/Eap%20Index.png" title="EAP" width="308" /></a></div>25.01.2024 (Caucasian Journal). <b>The new Eastern Partnership Index, published yesterday, grabs the reader's attention immediately with a stunning cover image - the famous photograph with a EU flag, taken in Tbilisi during the 2023's standoff in front of the Parliament building. </b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>The content of the 200-page report reflects important - and often alarming - tendencies in Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Moldova, Ukraine, and Belarus - the six Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries. </b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Marking its 9th edition, the publication tracks the reform progress made in the fields of democracy, good governance, rule of law, policy convergence and sustainable development between September 2021 and November 2023. It shows how Russia’s war impacts reforms in the EaP countries, and the different levels of these countries' approximation of with the European Union.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">"The pace at which Moldova, Ukraine as well as Georgia gained their EU candidate status has been breathtaking", - reads the Index. "Whilst this positive momentum should be celebrated, the results of the EaP Index indicate that a dose of realism is also needed."</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">For Georgia (ranked 3rd overall), the Index’ results sadly demonstrate "a significant downwards drift, if not a sharp plunge in many areas which reflects the country’s political polarisation".</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Despite being granted EU candidate status in November 2023, "Georgia lost considerable ground across both democracy and good governance, and policy convergence indicators", according to the report. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">"The pace at which Moldova, Ukraine, and Georgia gained EU candidate status has been breathtaking... Whilst this positive momentum should be celebrated, a dose of realism is also needed."</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div>Significant decreases occurred in almost all thematic areas overseen by the Index, namely democratic rights, elections and political pluralism, the fight against corruption, human rights protection mechanisms, state accountability, independent media, public administration, market economy, freedom, security and justice, and environment and climate policy, with the exception of freedom of assembly.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">"From anti-corruption champion to malaise and now disregard, the government has deprioritised the fight against corruption and even appears to have vested interests in a state of inertia. There has been no updating of the National Action Plan since 2020 and Georgia became the only country to refuse an Anti-Corruption assessment by the OECD". </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The Index, backed by solid data analysis, contains more than one alarming statement almost on every page. Just a few examples: "Georgia and Armenia are the most vulnerable states in the EaP region with regards to poverty", "Georgia and Armenia remained the most unequal societies", "The prevalence of undernourishment was by far the highest in Georgia".</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px; text-align: left;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; font-weight: 400; margin: 0px; text-align: left;"><ul style="text-align: left;"><li><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">"The prevalence of undernourishment was by far the highest in Georgia"</b></li></ul><ul style="text-align: left;"><li><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">"Georgia and Armenia are the most vulnerable states in the EaP region with regards to poverty"</b></li></ul><ul style="text-align: left;"><li><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;"> </b><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">"Georgia and Armenia remained the most unequal societies"</b></li></ul></div></b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Armenia remained relatively stable in the 2023 Index, but reform stasis and potential for backsliding in key spheres is apparent. "Several instances of dealignment from EU norms in Armenia are linked to national security related policies and, to some extent, reform fatigue.</div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Azerbaijan continues to edge towards ever stronger authoritarianism and disavowal of independent civil society and media which is reflected in its diminishing scores in state accountability, freedom of opinion and expression and freedom of assembly and association and the fight against corruption. "A closer inspection of policies and practices in Azerbaijan shows very clearly that the country is at variance with all EU norms to do with democracy and good governance without exception."</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i.gyazo.com/550d6ee200d05f2b83f42e4429b0bfe0.png" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="257" data-original-width="430" height="221" src="https://i.gyazo.com/550d6ee200d05f2b83f42e4429b0bfe0.png" width="370" /></a></div>According to the Index, Moldova is the leader in terms of approximation of with the European Union, Ukraine ranks second, Georgia is in third position, Armenia is the fourth. Azerbaijan and Belarus have the lowest scores with in 5th and 6th places.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The EaP Index is produced by the Eastern Partnership Civil Society Forum with the financial support of the EU. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">You may download the full Eastern Partnership Index 2023 <a href="https://fliphtml5.com/api/download/download-file?bookId=33119894&type=1">here</a>.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; line-height: 16.632px; margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: left;">
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<!--End mc_embed_signup-->Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-44019014396527928712024-01-23T14:06:00.011+04:002024-01-23T15:37:50.150+04:00Read more news from Caucasian Journal - and stay positive! 😊<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://t.me/Caucasian_Journal" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="Good News" border="0" data-original-height="3277" data-original-width="3067" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgeJ67RZnwTi3J-OnduAiWGZhXL1AmmPRPu9u_VoMRAEKNGKmN5Euyawoc5dlVejtI-QNSuZze3ZyZeU6LrnXfm3CTSAas9uVM20mCi9L-eWjdXm35u9x1FTo4FZo689gkFpxVUkluvgQReA3XLr7sj5a8GouIbtxgHpEFaM_kGU6jI2oPRgFNFwquP3AFw/w299-h320/Collage.jpg" title="Good News" width="299" /></a></div>As <i>Caucasian Journal</i> marks our 5th anniversary since launch, we thought that the best way to celebrate is to offer more news and information to our respected readers. </div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><br /></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">That's why we have started <i>Caucasian Journal GOOD NEWS</i>, which, as we hope, is a useful addition to our main content. Here are some reasons why to follow our new newsfeed:</div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><ul style="text-align: left;"><li>They save your time. The news are very brief, and well illustrated. In most cases you don't even need to read, as the images are self-explanatory;</li></ul><ul style="text-align: left;"><li>They help to save your good mood. We do our best to emphasize the positive developments, arts, culture, and other fun sides of life;</li></ul><ul style="text-align: left;"><li>We publish them on a daily basis!</li></ul></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">The best way to read <i>GOOD NEWS</i> is in our social networks, such as our brand new <a href="https://t.me/Caucasian_Journal">Telegram channel </a>(please subscribe and share). After appearing in Telegram, the <i>GOOD NEWS</i> show up in our <a href="https://www.facebook.com/CaucasianJournal.org/">Facebook </a>and <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/company/caucasian-journal/">LinkedIn</a> feeds, which you are also welcome to follow. And, if you prefer even shorter texts, you may subscribe to our <a href="https://twitter.com/CaucasianJourna">X (former Twitter)</a>. </div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">We do not use bots, tricks, or commercial ads to build up our readership, so if you like our information, please take a minute to share and invite your friends and contacts to our channels. Thank you, we cover what matters - to you!</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><span><a name='more'></a></span></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; line-height: 16.632px; margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: left;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; text-align: center;"><p style="line-height: 150%; text-align: left;"><b style="line-height: 16.632px; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #3d85c6; font-family: inherit;">You are welcome to follow <i>Caucasian Journal</i> at:</span></b></p></div>
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<!--End mc_embed_signup-->Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-45353569835337014652024-01-17T16:44:00.008+04:002024-01-29T16:01:13.407+04:00Andrew JEWELL: "We would like to see the IMF program back on track"<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 6px;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgkVRc63ypqhQ8o3BNjg0ev-Wfe-Bp1cBSukdfRun9-1x1h75aZMBGbmZ0cPmWCNzm5GzJHgXv9EblnhPkh6EwiERMZauD3NEvowcgOz-sXm_n_iVLPWWnf2s2bhtyToc9L1Ha4_T44JEmRPyj8Gnlei8Ts1KbFBg_m4ibhENyw_sbb_nz40W7ILvUo6llK/s623/Andrew%20Jewell%20profile%20pic%202023-1.png" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="Andrew Jewell" border="0" data-original-height="623" data-original-width="495" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgkVRc63ypqhQ8o3BNjg0ev-Wfe-Bp1cBSukdfRun9-1x1h75aZMBGbmZ0cPmWCNzm5GzJHgXv9EblnhPkh6EwiERMZauD3NEvowcgOz-sXm_n_iVLPWWnf2s2bhtyToc9L1Ha4_T44JEmRPyj8Gnlei8Ts1KbFBg_m4ibhENyw_sbb_nz40W7ILvUo6llK/w254-h320/Andrew%20Jewell%20profile%20pic%202023-1.png" title="Andrew Jewell" width="254" /></a></div><span style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: black;">17.01.2024</span><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #336699; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-decoration-line: none;"> (Caucasian Journal</a><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><span>)</span></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b><span><span style="background-color: transparent;"><span style="line-height: 16.632px;"> </span></span></span></b></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b>Our guest today is Andrew JEWELL, Resident Representative for Georgia at International Monetary Fund (IMF). </b></span></div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b><br /></b></span></div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><span style="color: red; text-align: center;"><b style="font-size: 11.88px;">▶ </b><span style="font-size: 11.88px;"><b>ქართულად</b></span><b style="font-size: 11.88px;">:</b></span><span style="font-size: 11.88px; text-align: center;"><b><span style="color: red;"> </span></b>Read the Georgian version<span style="color: #444444;"> </span><b style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://georgian.caucasianjournal.org/2024/01/blog-post.html" style="color: #336699; text-decoration-line: none;">here</a></b><span style="color: #444444;">.</span></span></span></div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.88px; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #444444;"><br /></span></span></span></div></span></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: right;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>Alexander KAFFKA, editor-in-chief of Caucasian Journal: </b></i><span style="font-style: italic;">Dear Andrew, happy New Year, and welcome to Caucasian Journal! Thank you for finding time for our readers in your busy schedule. You were appointed IMF Representative in Georgia last August, but your previous place of work was Bosnia and Herzegovina – not too far from this region. Do you still feel “new” to Georgia? </span><br /><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-style: italic; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>Andrew JEWELL: </b>Although a lot has happened since I arrived, I still feel quite new. Besides getting up to speed on economic issues, I’m trying to better understand Georgia’s history, the political dynamics in the country, and the geopolitical context. I’m also trying to learn Georgian language, which I find fascinating and very difficult!</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AK: </b><i>Indeed it is... </i><i>With diplomas from Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies and Sorbonne, and many years with IMF, you have a unique combination of knowledge – from computer science to political science to global finance. Can you tell a little bit about yourself, and your professional interests? And how did you get to Georgia? </i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><br /></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span><a name='more'></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AJ: </b>You could say I followed an unconventional path to becoming an IMF resident representative. I started my career as a computer programmer in Washington, but I quickly lost interest and moved to Paris to become a nanny! Looking back, I’m surprised my parents didn’t try to dissuade me. After three years studying French, I returned to Washington and earned a master’s degree in international relations and economics. My first job after graduate school was with the Federal Reserve Bank of New York (a branch of the US central bank), where I followed global financial markets. This was during the time of the Asian financial crisis and the birth of the euro. From New York I moved back to Washington and spent 10 years at the US Treasury Department (the US ministry of finance). I thought I would stay at Treasury until retirement, but in 2010 I was offered a position at the IMF and decided to take it. I’ve been at the IMF ever since. Prior to coming to Georgia, I was the resident representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina – an experience that my family and I enjoyed immensely. When my term ended last year, I was eager to stay overseas and was fortunate to land the Georgia resident representative assignment.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AK: </b><i>Can you name, say, three things in Georgia which you find similar to the South Balkans? Or, what do you find strikingly different? Generally, how helpful for your current work is your past IMF experience gained in the former Yugoslavia countries?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AJ: </b>Georgia, like several countries in the former Yugoslavia, aspires to join the European Union. It also faces similar challenges – for example, reforming state-owned enterprises and adapting to climate change. Geographically, Georgia reminds me of Bosnia in the sense that you can be in the mountains one day and on the beach the next. Linguistically, I was surprised to learn that some of the grammatical cases that I struggled to master when studying Bosnian language (e.g., dative, vocative, instrumental) are also present in Georgian!</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">One thing my experience in the former Yugoslavia taught me was the importance of understanding political economy. There is usually a gap between the best economic policies in theory and what is feasible politically. In Bosnia, I sometimes felt I was more of a political scientist than an economist. I suspect my experience there will serve me well in Georgia.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">One of the biggest challenges the international community faced in Bosnia was corruption. I came to the conclusion that rooting out corruption would take generations. When I started working on Georgia, I was amazed to learn that this country managed to drastically reduce corruption in public services in just a few years. I did not think this was possible. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>Though your exposure to Georgia has still been comparatively brief, it seems it was eventful. The first thing that comes to one’s mind is the case with U.S. sanctions and Georgian National Bank’s position. In September, the National Bank issued an exemption rule for the enforcement of international financial sanctions, according to which the sanctions could apply on Georgian citizens only upon approval of Georgian courts. IMF was quite involved in that situation. Would you like to share any impressions from that time, or any other moments?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;"> The NBG’s decision to change its sanctions regulation in September resulted in further delays to program reviews. We have conveyed these concerns to the authorities and have asked them to take remedial measures.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AJ: </b>We raised three concerns in response to the NBG’s decision to amend its sanctions regulations. First, we were not consulted. Under Georgia’s IMF program, the authorities have an obligation to consult us on policy decisions that affect program objectives. Second, the amended regulations introduced uncertainty into the financial sector. Third, the sudden change in policy in our view damaged the NBG’s credibility and called into question its independence. We have been in discussions with the NBG about possible ways to address these concerns.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>What’s the current state of the IMF’s financial assistance program in Georgia? Last fall it was suspended in connection with the above-mentioned collision. If I am correct, the program in question is a three-year $280 million financial support arrangement, approved in June 2020 – quite a considerable piece of financing for this country.</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AJ: </b>Indeed, a three-year, $280 million Stand-By Arrangement was approved in June 2022. However, the authorities have been treating the program as “precautionary,” which means they do not intend to draw on the available financing. Rather, they are using the program to signal their commitment to credible policies. The first review of the program was approved in December 2022. The second review, however, was postponed after Georgia’s parliament amended the central bank law last June to create a first deputy governor position – a move which we felt weakened the NBG’s governance structure and undermined its independence. The NBG’s decision to change its sanctions regulation in September resulted in further delays to program reviews. We have conveyed these concerns to the authorities and have asked them to take remedial measures. In the meantime, we are planning to conduct what we call an Article IV consultation in March. This will not be a program review mission but rather a regular economic checkup of the sort that we do for all IMF member countries.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>Can you share which projects in Georgia had suffered the most from this?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AJ: </b>Unlike other international financial institutions operating in Georgia, such as the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, and European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the IMF does not provide financing for projects. Instead, the money we lend to Georgia adds to the stock of international reserves at the NBG. However, since the authorities are treating the current program as precautionary, no money has been disbursed to date.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>May I ask you to share your views regarding the future perspective of financial assistance to Georgia? Is there light at the end of the tunnel, what are the prerequisites, and possible timeline?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AJ: </b>As I mentioned, we have conveyed to the authorities our concerns about the NBG’s governance and independence, and we have asked them to take remedial measures. We would also like to see more progress toward reforming state-owned enterprises, in line with the authorities’ commitments under the program. Ultimately, it is up to the IMF’s Executive Board to decide whether Georgia’s performance under the program is satisfactory. The good news is that the macroeconomic situation remains positive overall: growth is strong, inflation has declined sharply, the fiscal deficit has narrowed, and the banking sector is healthy. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>Are there any specific IMF activities or directions that you want to mention? </i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AJ: </b>As discussed earlier, the IMF does not provide project financing. However, to help the authorities achieve their objectives under the program, we provide considerable technical assistance, including in the areas of tax policy, public financial management, central bank operations, and economic statistics. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>What are your expectations for 2024 – and what do you want to happen? Your professional recommendations, perhaps?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AJ: </b>Of course, we would like to see the program back on track. Whether this happens I cannot predict. It depends on macroeconomic outcomes and the authorities’ commitment to reforms.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">When a colleague in Washington learned last summer about my new assignment, she texted me and wrote: “Congratulations on getting the best job at the IMF!”</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b><br /></b></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>My last question concerns the EU candidate status that has been approved for Georgia. If we consider the coming period as a time of new opportunities, what needs to be done to make the best use of them?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><br /></i></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AJ: </b>First, I would like to congratulate Georgia on being granted candidate status! In my limited time here, I’ve been struck by how pro-European this country is. Many Georgians have told me they believe their future lies in Europe, and you certainly see this sentiment in the polling data. When it comes to economic reforms, the IMF has a regular dialogue with EU institutions. In my experience, there tends to be quite a bit of overlap between what we recommend and what the EU recommends. Therefore, progress along the EU path typically entails reforms that the IMF welcomes.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b> If there is anything that you would like to add for our readers, the floor is yours.</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AJ: </b>I would like to say that it’s a privilege for me to be the IMF’s resident representative for Georgia. When a colleague in Washington learned last summer about my new assignment, she texted me and wrote: “Congratulations on getting the best job at the IMF!” I’m excited to be in Georgia at a pivotal moment in the country’s history, and I hope to play a role in promoting macroeconomic stability and sustainable economic growth. Finally, I would like to encourage your readers to reach out to my office if they have any questions about the IMF, or if they have any concerns they wish to raise.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK:</b> Thank you very much, we wish the best of luck to your work in Georgia.</i></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span><span><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif;"><div><a href="http://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="clear: right; color: #336699; float: right; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em; text-decoration-line: none;"><img border="0" height="20" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgMNzdlRhJ0kGUbW_szml-FL3DWRne16sJXkFH5I5Xa7C5AGJdd7TiUz_9ltIU7wPE1eSJsZYHksLj4udjpGDeNcy03xmcY6xQvsQUeC_qSseKt0sZ6xsrzGWgg6jY_9YlP7Iob7VlMlMeC/s200/favicon.jpg" style="background-attachment: initial; 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<!--End mc_embed_signup-->Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-79769219774544836482024-01-16T23:06:00.006+04:002024-01-17T00:10:47.280+04:00Up to €300,000 EU funding for literary translations – open to Armenia, Georgia and Ukraine<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi5whromKUU5dNaj-FPnf4w5XW2HU0ackz2u84tx0LUF1vP4YshbXgrUah8Nfp45wRY-innKkxZ502zb2wU_Hgj2Na8TnY3iDkbe1_YV575p9aicGbWlv0mPs2U5FZ8UNS-RG_PJ3Qon-9s1o6dYZH-D6JafrdCtp442yuMUmy0oVvr1-EeAXNO7lp_Ggc3/s1024/Translation2.png" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="Translator" border="0" data-original-height="1024" data-original-width="1024" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi5whromKUU5dNaj-FPnf4w5XW2HU0ackz2u84tx0LUF1vP4YshbXgrUah8Nfp45wRY-innKkxZ502zb2wU_Hgj2Na8TnY3iDkbe1_YV575p9aicGbWlv0mPs2U5FZ8UNS-RG_PJ3Qon-9s1o6dYZH-D6JafrdCtp442yuMUmy0oVvr1-EeAXNO7lp_Ggc3/w320-h320/Translation2.png" title="Translator" width="320" /></a></div>16.01.2024 (Caucasian Journal). The EU-funded Creative Europe programme has launched a call to support the translation, promotion and circulation of European literary works of fiction, including novels, poetry, comics etc. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The scheme, with a total budget of €5 million, will provide funding for 40 projects.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Interested organisations can apply individually or as members of a consortium, with a minimum two eligible organisations. Works of fiction in languages from countries taking part in the Creative Europe programme, including Armenia, Georgia and Ukraine, are eligible. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Applicants can apply with projects of different sizes, with these different ceilings for the number of books translated and funding received:</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><ul style="text-align: left;"><li>Small scale: projects proposing translation of up to 10 different books can receive up to €100,000;</li><li>Medium scale: projects proposing translation of up to 20 different books can receive up to €200,000;</li><li>Large scale: projects proposing translation of at least 21 different books can receive up to €300,000.</li></ul></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Each project must be based on a sound editorial and promotional strategy covering a package of at least five eligible works of fiction translated from and into the languages <a href="https://culture.ec.europa.eu/cultural-and-creative-sectors/books-and-publishing/circulation-of-european-literary-works">as detailed on the following page</a>. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The deadline for applications is 16 April. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: gold; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;"><span style="color: #666666;"><br /></span></b></div><div style="margin: 0px;"><b style="line-height: 16.632px;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: arial;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: large; font-style: italic; margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: left; widows: 2;">Dear Reader:</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-size: large; 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<!--End mc_embed_signup-->Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-89937873902579887472024-01-09T17:05:00.008+04:002024-01-17T00:11:11.750+04:00Sergei Parajanov at 100: Cult film director and symbol of Armenian and Georgian art fusion<div dir="ltr" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiC8QK8VubnLge7K7F4IkeQpGKi0TZwOzti9KVBRwQ8vdN5oEbY2uK-VQrNPEGtcltOQGMQWvkgpKz8EUi6oQzyFEmUHhADC5ds9qvO_mc-0KZj62tDOlOnZumkkOgBopJ7Czv5MamWDhL9CTwkKnQGhpcSIw-LlDp8f00e-QOaD8z0r8XN2a5XOrSPi8ED/s1024/Parajanov2.png" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="Parajanov Yerevan" border="0" data-original-height="1024" data-original-width="1024" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiC8QK8VubnLge7K7F4IkeQpGKi0TZwOzti9KVBRwQ8vdN5oEbY2uK-VQrNPEGtcltOQGMQWvkgpKz8EUi6oQzyFEmUHhADC5ds9qvO_mc-0KZj62tDOlOnZumkkOgBopJ7Czv5MamWDhL9CTwkKnQGhpcSIw-LlDp8f00e-QOaD8z0r8XN2a5XOrSPi8ED/w320-h320/Parajanov2.png" title="Parajanov Yerevan" width="320" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: #666666; font-size: x-small;">A statue of Parajanov unveiled today in Yerevan </span></span></td></tr></tbody></table></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">09.01.2024 (Caucasian Journal). <i>Caucasian Journal</i> today joins in the celebration of 100 years since birth of Sergei PARAJANOV - world famous film director, who also symbolizes the interconnection and interdependence of the Armenian, Georgian, and all Caucasian art and culture. </div><br />"In the temple of cinema, there are images, light and reality. Sergei Parajanov was the master of that temple," - said Jean-Luc Godard, arguably the most influential French filmmaker.<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Sergei Parajanov (1924–1990) was indeed a multifaceted and influential figure in the world of cinema, known for his unique artistic vision and a body of work that remains highly regarded. Born in Tbilisi, to Armenian parents, Parajanov's life and career were marked by a rich blend of cultural influences from both Georgia and Armenia.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The Parajanov’s anniversary is included in the UNESCO list of anniversaries of outstanding personalities, and is celebrated worldwide, including Yerevan and Tbilisi. A statue of Parajanov was unveiled today in Yerevan, in the area adjacent to the Cinema House (see photo). Yerevan municipality is planning to name the square where the statue is placed The Color of Pomegranates Square - in honor of Sergei Parajanov’s film entitled "The Color of Pomegranates". In Tbilisi, IArt Gallery is organizing a special event in honor of the maestro. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Parajanov's contribution to cinema is particularly celebrated for his ability to transcend traditional storytelling and embrace a poetic and visual approach to filmmaking. His films were a flawless hybrid of almost all art forms. Some of his most notable works include "Shadows of Forgotten Ancestors" (1964) and "The Color of Pomegranates" (1969). His films often incorporated vivid imagery, symbolic motifs, and non-linear narratives, making him a pioneer of poetic cinema.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><span></span><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">His films have an intense beauty, and resonate with an inexpressible visual logic. Many critics tell of his inattention to story, plot, and character, but he is in fact telling extremely rich stories in the same way a painter would tell them on a canvas. Parajanov was able to innovate beautiful score, hypnotic choreography, and powerful performances into his highly baroque 'living pictures.'</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">In addition to his achievements as a filmmaker, Parajanov's life was also marked by political and personal challenges. He faced censorship and persecution from Soviet authorities due to his non-conformist style and outspoken views. Due to the radical surrealism of his "Sayat Nova", the KGB arrested him on trumped up charges of homosexuality. Parajanov's refusal to adhere to the artistic and ideological constraints imposed by the Soviet regime led to his imprisonment on charges that many considered politically motivated.</div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">As a political dissident, Parajanov became a symbol of resistance against the Soviet system's constraints on artistic expression. Despite the challenges he faced, his commitment to his unique vision remained unwavering.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: left; margin-right: 1em; text-align: left;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhy0N3b4z4KtfSrTQGAvtmH8Wu4_SRV8lGJTy8LrVo9ZE5llZpd5jOLlx_xbrQcmIj8zhTi7g8J6LihcXKDtNMbXefa8_ef-KSUOVmjJ8oWKhfhDwvxQ_AGiqnVHo9E3_cmDGumHfHsbRgLyqgFseTQRjYEgB35z8IBaxMmRMPI0MisXknhLS8c-coeWGeg/s1184/417208021_7061049017285673_2340753469879711235_n.jpg" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="Parajanov Statue" border="0" data-original-height="1184" data-original-width="869" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhy0N3b4z4KtfSrTQGAvtmH8Wu4_SRV8lGJTy8LrVo9ZE5llZpd5jOLlx_xbrQcmIj8zhTi7g8J6LihcXKDtNMbXefa8_ef-KSUOVmjJ8oWKhfhDwvxQ_AGiqnVHo9E3_cmDGumHfHsbRgLyqgFseTQRjYEgB35z8IBaxMmRMPI0MisXknhLS8c-coeWGeg/w235-h320/417208021_7061049017285673_2340753469879711235_n.jpg" title="Parajanov Statue" width="235" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="color: #666666;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">A statue of Parajanov unveiled in Yerevan</span> </span></td></tr></tbody></table>The dual identity of Sergei Parajanov, being of both Georgian and Armenian heritage, played a significant role in shaping his artistic perspective. The rich cultural tapestry of the South Caucasus region, with its diverse traditions and histories, is evident in the thematic elements and visual symbolism found in his films.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Parajanov's legacy extends beyond his role as a filmmaker; he is remembered as a cultural icon and a symbol of artistic freedom. His influence can be seen in the works of subsequent generations of filmmakers who appreciate his innovative and unconventional approach to storytelling and visual aesthetics.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">On the occasion of what would have been his 100th birthday, it is a fitting time to reflect on the enduring impact of Sergei Parajanov's contributions to world cinema and to recognize the complex interplay of cultural, political, and personal factors that shaped his life and art.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: right;">Alexander Kaffka, editor-in-chief of <i>Caucasian Journal</i></div><div><br /></div><div><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; 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<!--End mc_embed_signup-->Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-13338214379204624712024-01-08T21:23:00.002+04:002024-01-08T21:23:32.730+04:00European competition welcomes performing art professionals from Armenia and Georgia<div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiiBOKNUmixxQGO3OEzzAFsvNZtj08_RZ_29ENZnyzE8pIvuLTSh2Nt2MV2ES3ia8y1SQmcvKdAjkAz1N6sqh7VyCHT-9zrE_0W5onPUAVyhFbas3m3CxkooRsJAs_KqEiFcr3jvZsFt2zyWy5FxsZ6B4SjicSAPTpE4Lshc9lzPcJTxQVGjrqURD9OsmHn/s1024/Perform.png" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="Perform Europe" border="0" data-original-height="892" data-original-width="1024" height="279" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiiBOKNUmixxQGO3OEzzAFsvNZtj08_RZ_29ENZnyzE8pIvuLTSh2Nt2MV2ES3ia8y1SQmcvKdAjkAz1N6sqh7VyCHT-9zrE_0W5onPUAVyhFbas3m3CxkooRsJAs_KqEiFcr3jvZsFt2zyWy5FxsZ6B4SjicSAPTpE4Lshc9lzPcJTxQVGjrqURD9OsmHn/w320-h279/Perform.png" title="Perform Europe" width="320" /></a></div>08.01.2024 (Caucasian Journal) <i>Are you - or a friend of yours - a performing arts professional living in Georgia, Armenia, or the rest of Europe? If yes, read on: This is an opportunity for you and your friends. </i></div><div><br /></div><div>Perform Europe, a European funding scheme supported by the European Union, has launched an open call offering €2.1 million for performing arts partnerships to collaborate across borders within the 40 Creative Europe countries, including Armenia and Georgia.</div><div><br /></div><div>The call is open to all performing arts professionals and organisations in Creative Europe countries. The applications should be submitted by partnerships with a minimum of three partners from three different Creative Europe countries. </div><div><br /></div><div>Applicants can apply for grants in three categories: €12,000, €32,000 or €60,000.<b> The deadline for submitting applications is 31 March. </b>To read full details and apply click <b><a href="https://performeurope.eu/open-call/">here</a></b>. </div><div><br /></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><div>The competition is open to projects in all genres of performing arts (excluding live music). The call invites partnerships to propose innovative touring ideas that can generate real change, with a focus on at least one of the Perform Europe priorities:<b> inclusion and diversity</b> and/or <b>the fight against climate change</b>. </div><div><br /></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; line-height: 16.632px; margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: left;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; text-align: center;"><p style="line-height: 150%; text-align: left;"><b style="line-height: 16.632px; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #3d85c6; font-family: inherit;">You are welcome to follow <i>Caucasian Journal</i> at:</span></b></p></div>
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<!--End mc_embed_signup-->Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-56946610273855501742023-12-21T19:50:00.001+04:002024-01-07T23:59:22.196+04:00Ambassador Hideki ISHIZUKA: "I will spare no effort to strengthen political and economic ties between two countries"<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 6px;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/2022/11/monsignor-jose-avelino-bettencourt-we.html" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"></a><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiO-E5ca3H7Oo1G50SdXaSrTeqKXxCYXxy-6Ps2_jDUpkHyqfmQzglD9Wnjm5Lk7Bts8mAZBCK5QOderBq4wSYhZjeT-ZFDxLnwoB4Qojn6SmVNkBHUZbc7QtMMYq3AdFnHGejcR1rD3hDnDk7onTrRrVEj9cp9mdub9TVZ2150-hj63nvwq4tOdUakVKCy/s414/Japan2.png" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="Ishizuka Hideki" border="0" data-original-height="414" data-original-width="316" height="336" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiO-E5ca3H7Oo1G50SdXaSrTeqKXxCYXxy-6Ps2_jDUpkHyqfmQzglD9Wnjm5Lk7Bts8mAZBCK5QOderBq4wSYhZjeT-ZFDxLnwoB4Qojn6SmVNkBHUZbc7QtMMYq3AdFnHGejcR1rD3hDnDk7onTrRrVEj9cp9mdub9TVZ2150-hj63nvwq4tOdUakVKCy/w256-h336/Japan2.png" title="Ishizuka Hideki" width="256" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: right;"><span style="color: #999999; font-size: x-small;">Photo Embassy of Japan © 2023</span></td></tr></tbody></table></div><span style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: black;">21.12.2023</span><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #336699; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-decoration-line: none;"> (Caucasian Journal</a><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><span>)</span></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b><span><span style="background-color: transparent;"><span style="line-height: 16.632px;"> </span></span></span></b></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b>It is a special honour today for <i>Caucasian Journal</i> to welcome His Excellency ISHIZUKA Hideki, the newly appointed Ambassador of Japan to Georgia. His ambassadorial term in Tbilisi started last June.</b><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: left;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: 11.88px;"><span><span style="font-size: 11.88px;"><span><span style="color: red; font-size: medium;"><b style="font-size: 11.88px;">▶ </b><span style="font-size: 11.88px;"><b>ქართულად</b></span><b style="font-size: 11.88px;">:</b></span><span style="font-size: 11.88px;"><b style="color: #333333;"><span style="color: red;"> </span></b><span>Read the Georgian version</span><span style="color: #444444;"> </span><b style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://georgian.caucasianjournal.org/2023/12/blog-post_21.html" style="color: #336699; text-decoration-line: none;">here</a></b><span style="color: #444444;">.</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></div></span></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: right;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>Alexander KAFFKA, editor-in-chief of CJ: </b></i><span style="font-style: italic;">Your Excellency, welcome to Caucasian Journal. Your service in Georgia had started in summer, so you must have got already some local experience. Can you name three impressions in Georgia, which you did not expect, and which have surprised you?</span><br /><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-style: italic; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>ISHIZUKA </b><b>Hideki</b><b>: </b>My first impression was the view from the airplane, just before I arrived at Tbilisi. I am deeply impressed by the breathtaking scenery of the white shining mountains of the Great Caucasian Range and the beautiful forests. But I was more impressed by the well cultivated crop field at the brink of deep gorge in the mountainous region. It shows the diligence of people of Georgia, and I feel sympathy because it is very similar to Japan’s “terraced paddy fields”.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">My second impression was the Georgian hospitality, which many foreign people are fascinated by. Japanese people are also proud of their way of hospitality “<i>omotenashi</i>” to consider guest first with respect, but Georgian hospitality “<i>Maspindzloba</i>” is more proactive and generous with friendship. Georgian people are very friendly to guests with gentle smiles. I found in many cases people are polite to each other (except for traffic jam…) and I often hear<i> “Ki Batono!</i>” in their conversations. This kind of politeness is also very comfortable to Japanese people, as we have the same culture.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Third, I am impressed with the friendship that the Georgian people have towards Japan. Beyond my expectation, many Georgian people are interested in ancient tradition like Judo or Sumo, and pop culture including Anime and Manga. I am learning Georgian language and it always makes me encouraged to see Georgian people learn Japanese language eagerly. I am happy to hear that Tbilisi State University has opened Japanese language major courses this year.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b> I am sure you also now have a very clear vision the full spectrum of interrelations between Japan and Georgia – in political, economic, cultural fields. Are there any tendencies, achievements, or particular projects that you want to emphasize?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>IH: </b> As 2022 remarked the 30-year anniversary of establishment of diplomatic relations between Japan and Georgia, I feel that the bilateral relations are developing year by year. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">I am very happy to say high-level visits become frequent. As a proof, Japan-Georgia Parliamentary Friendship Association visited Georgia and the Georgian counterpart also visited Japan this year. Deputy Prime Minister – Minister of Culture, Sport and Youth, H.E. Ms. Tea Tsulukiani visited Japan remarking FIBA Basket World Cup held in Okinawa prefecture. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Our bilateral relationship entered new stage of cooperation to address common agenda. Both countries have already signed cooperation scheme such as JCM (Joint Crediting Mechanism), Investment Agreement, Tax Convention and so forth. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Before my diplomatic mission in Georgia, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan dispatched me to Hitotsubashi University, and I was teaching history of diplomacy and international relations. Taking advantage of my academic background, I would like to encourage intellectual exchange. In 2024, Georgia will host ADB (Asian Development Bank) General Assembly for which Japan has been the biggest funding country since its establishment. Therefore, I will spare no effort to strengthen the political and economic ties between the two countries.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><br /></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>Can you tell us a bit about yourself, and your appointment to Georgia? From your publications I see that your professional interests are quite far from our region, and more related to China and USA.</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>IH:</b> It is true that most of my career has been dedicated to the diplomatic missions in China and other countries such as Sweden, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Vienna etc. However, as the geopolitical significance and connectivity Georgia contains is getting more important, every piece of my knowledge and experience, for example promotion of economic cooperation and cultural exchange, is also helping me to work in Georgia. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">I was a professor in Hitotsubashi University; the historical path which Georgia, since millennia BC to this century, has been walking on, teaches us all kinds of important elements necessary to study international relations. No wonder that more and more universities in Japan have been interested in Georgia and Caucasus region as well. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Also, I used to be the Director of Country Assistance Planning Division III of International Cooperation Bureau in charge of ODA (Official Development Assistance) policies. I understand that ODA is one of the best ways to assist other countries and build stronger ties with Japan.<b> </b>When it comes to Georgia, Japan has implemented more than 200 projects in the framework of the GGP (Grant Assistance for Grassroots Human Security Projects) to support the development of Georgia. Actually recently I have signed two grant contract to provide vital services to persons with disabilities for promoting their independent living in Khobi Municipality and to improve the mobility of the local people to gain access to the goods, essential services and critical facilities in Oni town and 21 villages. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b> Speaking about your interests, I have noticed that you have also authored many scholarly articles and books on cultural and historic subjects. They are very wide, ranging from ancient Chinese architecture to medieval Pashtu poetry, and from Japanese numismatics to folk songs. May I ask what’s the role of arts and history in your life? And how do you manage to combine such versatile research interests with a daily diplomatic work?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>IH: </b> I believe purpose of philosophy and science is “to know yourself”, as all the ancient wisemen said. Humanity like arts and history helps us to find ourselves directly. One of my conclusions of my diplomatic career is this is the world of humankind wherever it may be. My academic discipline is area study in East Asia, and it should not only find the unique points of a region but also consider the universal human aspect of a specific regionality. One of the methods is comparative study of cultures.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">In a diplomat’s life, every day is the comparative study, for example translation of languages. It is quite interesting process not only for curiosity but also for pursuit for academic knowledge. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">Because of the increasing global tensions, Middle Corridor and its pivotal country Georgia have been drawing positive attention from the entire world, including Japan.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>Sometimes, when speaking to a diplomat there is a risk to receive nothing but a “diplomatic answer”, but this should not discourage the interviewer. The situation in our region is rather complicated, in particularly in the field of security. How is Georgia and this region in general viewed from Tokyo? </i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>IH:</b> In my view, Georgia has been increasing its geopolitical significance because of the regional and global challenges. For example, Georgia has good relations with both Azerbaijan and Armenia, and plays an important role as intermediator to ensure peace and stability in the region. In fact, I witnessed the Prime Ministers of Armenia and Azerbaijan visited Tbilisi at the same time on the occasion of Silk Road Forum in October this year, which represented Georgia's role in the region. Because of the increasing global tensions, Middle Corridor and its pivotal country Georgia have been drawing positive attention from the entire world, including Japan.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Japan and Georgia share the basic values such as democracy, rule of law, human rights etc. Georgia is an important partner for Japan to build free, open and rule-based international order. That is why Japan has been assisting its nation-building from the day 1 and has been fully respecting and supporting Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b> Can we touch upon the economic side of our relations? What can be done, in your view, to make Georgia more attractive for serious Japanese investors?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>IH: </b>With its oldest history of wine, various tourism spots and business-friendly environment, Georgia has many attractive points in terms of business. Georgia is now enjoying very rapid economic growth. Georgia is reportedly reaching soon to 8000 USD per capita national income. There are several Japanese companies such as Toyota-Caucasus, JTI (Japan Tobacco International), TEPCO (Tokyo Electric Power Company) and so forth, which make investments in Georgia. In order to increase business activities between two countries, we need to foster more people-to-people exchange and mutual understanding. I hope a platform between Japan and Georgian businesses can provide business information for each other.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">I heard that more than 70% of Georgia’s electricity is generated from renewable energy. Green energy can attract Japanese investment. As I mentioned earlier, Japan and Georgia are working on concrete projects in the framework of JCM (Joint Crediting Mechanism). Japanese companies with high technology can contribute to Georgia's sustainable development and I see many rooms for bilateral cooperation in this field. How wonderful it is if green energy of Georgia would be combined with global digital transformation (DX) as GX (Green Transformation)!</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">Education, research, science and technology have been the key elements of development, and traditional virtues like diligence and politeness helped the stability of society.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b> We at the Caucasian Journal are strong believers in the importance of wide dissemination of the world’s best practices, reform experiences and other advanced know-how – to make them better known and eventually adopted in our region. As Japan has exemplary achievements in many fields, can you point us to any such subjects, that might be useful to adopt in Georgia, so we could help by providing media coverage on them?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>IH: </b> Japan has achieved rapid economic growth while preserving its traditions and cultures. Japan has no big oil-gas field, coal or gold mine nor other big natural resources, and is a small country in comparison with surrounding big powers, but human resources are available for Japan’s socio-economic development. Education, research, science and technology have been the key elements of development, and traditional virtues like diligence and politeness helped the stability of society.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhisr7icVBgqbChoSG72jTha4jlnihpIg9WedxtHfcHWqxfzwb2JorDhZZkRHzosmMnXnFTzz-ggeeRN1TPwPs2Ivt2Kw2drYxVLbTswWsRkc_zKJezB9kG6fEf03-R9kw5XoFWrG52ilyXoi2YBbeQYkXLLz7h_4e0O9Jbw2oaRzaGpiVdWoc59NhmdyyG/s571/Nippon.com.jpg" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="Image from Nippon.com" border="0" data-original-height="571" data-original-width="550" height="446" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhisr7icVBgqbChoSG72jTha4jlnihpIg9WedxtHfcHWqxfzwb2JorDhZZkRHzosmMnXnFTzz-ggeeRN1TPwPs2Ivt2Kw2drYxVLbTswWsRkc_zKJezB9kG6fEf03-R9kw5XoFWrG52ilyXoi2YBbeQYkXLLz7h_4e0O9Jbw2oaRzaGpiVdWoc59NhmdyyG/w429-h446/Nippon.com.jpg" title="Image from Nippon.com" width="429" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: right;"><span style="color: #999999; font-size: x-small;">Image: Nippon.com</span></td></tr></tbody></table>There is a narrative almost known to all Japanese: In 1868, when Meiji Restoration started, Nagaoka city was involved in Civil War and once ruined. Later the government subsidized 100 bushels of rice as reconstruction aid. Citizens discussed how to use it, for food assistance or reconstruction of municipality, but they decided to sell the rice for the construction of the school and because of the rich human resource, the city had developed very rapidly in a few years. I believe, education is the priority for the socio-economic development.<br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">It is quite interesting that Illia Chavchavadze highly evaluated such Japan’s efforts to westernize the education system, and pointed out the possibility of Japan’s further development in 1889 in his newspaper <i>Iveria</i>.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK:</b> If there is anything that you would like to add for our readers, the floor is yours. </i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>IH: </b> My good counterpart, Ambassador of Georgia to Japan, H.E. Teimuraz Lezhava has been actively promoting Georgian culture in Japan through social media. I also would like to promote people’s understanding of Japan and Japanese culture in Georgia. To this end, our embassy has been conducting various cultural events and activities and will plan more. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">We also have Facebook page where you can find relevant information such as new cultural events, interesting facts about Japan, Embassy's recent activities or Japanese Government (MEXT: Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology) Scholarship program which encourages Georgian students to study in Japan.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">It has been around a half year since I started to work as Ambassador of Japan to Georgia. I am thankful for a lot of people welcoming me. I would like to do my best to strength the ties between our countries.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>Thank you very much! We wish you a most successful and enjoyable ambassadorial work in our country.</i></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span><span><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif;"><div><a href="http://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="clear: right; color: #336699; float: right; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em; text-decoration-line: none;"><img border="0" height="20" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgMNzdlRhJ0kGUbW_szml-FL3DWRne16sJXkFH5I5Xa7C5AGJdd7TiUz_9ltIU7wPE1eSJsZYHksLj4udjpGDeNcy03xmcY6xQvsQUeC_qSseKt0sZ6xsrzGWgg6jY_9YlP7Iob7VlMlMeC/s200/favicon.jpg" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: none; box-shadow: transparent 0px 0px 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative;" width="20" /></a></div><br /></div><div><div style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px;"><span style="font-size: 11.88px;">Read the Georgian language version</span><b style="font-size: 11.88px;"> <span style="color: #666666;"><a href="http://georgian.caucasianjournal.org/2023/12/blog-post_21.html" style="color: #336699; text-decoration-line: none;">here</a></span>. </b></div><div style="background-color: white;"><br /></div></div><div style="background-color: white;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #134f5c; font-size: 11.88px;">This article was re-published by:</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #134f5c; 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</div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-24210022270865834262023-12-17T15:39:00.006+04:002023-12-17T15:41:26.948+04:00Op-Ed: The Benefits of EU Candidacy for Georgia<div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div dir="ltr" trbidi="on"><div style="background-color: #d0e1e1; padding: 10px;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><span style="color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-weight: bold; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjEOc12IPMLVuvvq0cMN1EtDO10N2XHXAScrZ-V6bj2s2yNc35PUinJhtAghqobA5BtB-b5a25o34R7wOFTMnB6QDA_uCD1Ka-pNb7eKBqycTVGx8P8iO44_DFQthBvUsFf2HNzjh1KK4ehi_3L7e3ONHABi7vb-mesOiLxhTYu0H6b9CM_dKeCEMxr1rm_/s702/Ope%20Ed%20Asly.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Op-Ed Fady Asly" border="0" data-original-height="273" data-original-width="702" height="124" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjEOc12IPMLVuvvq0cMN1EtDO10N2XHXAScrZ-V6bj2s2yNc35PUinJhtAghqobA5BtB-b5a25o34R7wOFTMnB6QDA_uCD1Ka-pNb7eKBqycTVGx8P8iO44_DFQthBvUsFf2HNzjh1KK4ehi_3L7e3ONHABi7vb-mesOiLxhTYu0H6b9CM_dKeCEMxr1rm_/w320-h124/Ope%20Ed%20Asly.png" title="Op-Ed Fady Asly" width="320" /></a></div></div><span>17.12.2023 (Caucasian Journal). </span><i style="font-weight: bold;">Caucasian Journal</i><b> welcomes and celebrates the decision to grant EU candidate status to Georgia. </b></span></span><span><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Our today's Op-Ed piece by Fady ASLY, </b></span></span><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Chairman of the International Chamber of Commerce in Georgia, is devoted to that historic decision.</b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><b style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi3pnFtYTQm0Af7JwjJvcMACAX8zfHKQpCUKhDBA_BH-1Uv5MZZlTx3yExUetv9plvtLUUEowYLnQQEcApyCSkNQu3bBysCojVcKiv30o0CpQ6L9Wp_lv0m3N392RmPF0MQ0acP46isM6OFXem5dAjElwja74H_PYt3XHyY5Tb5a0cOfCnkcp_fycAwvShV/s2437/EU%20round.png" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em; text-align: center;"><img alt="CJ EU" border="0" data-original-height="2437" data-original-width="2437" height="247" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi3pnFtYTQm0Af7JwjJvcMACAX8zfHKQpCUKhDBA_BH-1Uv5MZZlTx3yExUetv9plvtLUUEowYLnQQEcApyCSkNQu3bBysCojVcKiv30o0CpQ6L9Wp_lv0m3N392RmPF0MQ0acP46isM6OFXem5dAjElwja74H_PYt3XHyY5Tb5a0cOfCnkcp_fycAwvShV/w247-h247/EU%20round.png" title="CJ EU" width="247" /></a>As usual with Op-Ed articles, the opinions and thoughts expressed in them reflect only the author’s views. Feel free to comment using the form below or in our <a href="http://www.facebook.com/CaucasianJournal.org/">Facebook</a> or <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/company/10543892/">LinkedIn</a>. If you are interested in contributing your own article for publication, you are welcome to contact <i>Caucasian Journal.</i></b></div></div></div></div><div><div><i><b><br /></b></i></div><div><b>The Benefits of EU Candidacy for Georgia</b></div><div><i>by Fady ASLY</i></div></div><div><br /></div><div><div>Georgia’s candidate status was approved by the Council of Europe on December 14th, most Georgians are thrilled by this crucial milestone and have been celebrating, albeit without fully understanding what it really means for the country; I will therefore try to shed some light on the positive economic and political impact that the “Candidate Status” will bring to Georgia. </div><div><br /></div><div>The status of being recognised as a candidate for European Union (EU) membership is a watershed in the annals of a nation’s history, heralding a future of transformative potential, both politically and economically. It is the first concrete step on a path towards integration into a bloc that stands as much for a common market as it does for a community of shared values and political solidarity. </div><div><br /></div><div><span><a name='more'></a></span></div><div><b>Economic Prospects and Preparations</b></div><div><br /></div><div>The economic implications of EU candidacy are profound, to begin with, candidacy status often triggers a positive response from the international financial community. It acts as a beacon, signalling a country's commitment to achieving the stringent economic criteria that EU membership demands; this seal of economic credibility can catalyse an increase in foreign direct investment (FDI).</div><div><br /></div><div>Global investors and corporations, recognising the trajectory towards EU standards, are typically more inclined to invest in candidate countries, they anticipate the benefits of a stable and predictable business environment that aligns with the broader EU regulatory framework.</div><div><br /></div><div>Concurrently, the EU extends a guiding hand in the form of pre-accession aid; this financial support is not merely generous, it is strategic. It is tailored to underwrite the vast spectrum of reforms that candidate status necessitates, ranging from judicial overhaul and anti-corruption measures to environmental safeguards and economic restructuring.</div><div><br /></div><div>This assistance is instrumental in building the administrative and institutional capacity required to navigate the future complexities of EU membership.</div><div><br /></div><div>Trade adjustments begin to take shape during the candidacy phase, while full access to the single market is a privilege reserved for members, candidates start the process of harmonising their customs and trade regulations in accordance with EU standards.</div><div><br /></div><div>Worthy to note that through the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement signed with the EU, Georgia has already complied and aligned with the EU Trade and Customs regulations and has already a “theoretical” access to the single market.</div><div><br /></div><div>This alignment lays the groundwork for the seamless economic interactions that EU membership promises, allowing businesses to adapt gradually and strategically to the competitive environment of the EU's single market.</div><div> </div><div><b>Political Engagement and Reform</b></div><div><b><br /></b></div><div>The political benefits of EU candidacy are no less significant, candidacy opens up avenues for deep political engagement with EU institutions; it establishes a platform for dialogue, exchange, and learning, offering candidate countries an opportunity to observe and participate in the EU's political processes and mechanisms, albeit in a limited capacity.</div><div><br /></div><div> This engagement is a precursor to the robust political integration that full membership entails; it allows candidate countries to begin aligning their political structures and processes with EU standards, often leading to more transparent, accountable, and democratic governance.</div><div><br /></div><div>The candidacy also serves to elevate a nation’s geopolitical standing, it enhances the country's profile on the international stage, signalling its commitment to a trajectory of reform and integration. Such recognition often translates into stronger bilateral and multilateral relationships and can serve as a stabilizing influence, particularly in regions where political volatility is a concern.</div><div><br /></div><div>Moreover, the prospect of candidacy can act as a catalyst for internal reform; the EU's stringent criteria for candidacy require nations to undertake substantial political and legal reforms, including bolstering the rule of law, ensuring respect for human rights, and enhancing public administration; these changes are not just in service of EU standards but also fundamentally benefit the candidate country by laying the foundations for a more stable and democratic society.</div><div> </div><div><b>Elevated Status and Expectations</b></div><div><br /></div><div>The road to EU candidacy is a testament to a country's resilience and determination to adhere to a set of standards that are rigorous and demanding; the process of obtaining candidacy status requires a steadfast commitment to a broad spectrum of reforms that touch upon every aspect of a nation’s socio-political and economic life.</div><div><br /></div><div>While the ultimate goal of full membership offers even more extensive benefits, the candidacy itself is a milestone that marks a country's entry into the European fold, promising a future of closer economic ties, political cooperation, and shared prosperity within the European community.</div><div><br /></div><div>The full membership of Georgia is now in the hands of its current and future governments; the more committed those government will be to harmonise with the EU requirements, spirit, and philosophy, the sooner the membership, and the faster will Georgia stabilise and prosper.</div></div><div><br /></div><b><span style="font-family: arial;">Feel free to comment using the form below or in our <a href="http://www.facebook.com/CaucasianJournal.org/">Facebook</a> or <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/company/10543892/">LinkedIn</a>. 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<!--End mc_embed_signup-->Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-2641906629660993912023-12-07T15:47:00.003+04:002023-12-07T16:34:15.225+04:00Ambassador Ashot SMBATYAN: “Our initiative will turn South Caucasus into crossroads between East and West, North and South, as it used to be for centuries"<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 6px;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/2022/11/monsignor-jose-avelino-bettencourt-we.html" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"></a><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhCgF2nlEEFF5reTRH-EbBZZn6wecpyI_TvEKvhKLjmRbVonm705VRnDhIE11quRN4f3xJVDCmsMIu8KNdtKhE71fEgjwaly5XjfvHtw-jDiwscWO6bbku67qoxRoQjp0n4gEnPhoaJQ7I_N3CFYTmItxe9zQqgFzWyN_wXAmuDJrF443XatUiah_ut9opd/s489/ASmbatyan.png" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="Ashot SMBATYAN" border="0" data-original-height="489" data-original-width="392" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhCgF2nlEEFF5reTRH-EbBZZn6wecpyI_TvEKvhKLjmRbVonm705VRnDhIE11quRN4f3xJVDCmsMIu8KNdtKhE71fEgjwaly5XjfvHtw-jDiwscWO6bbku67qoxRoQjp0n4gEnPhoaJQ7I_N3CFYTmItxe9zQqgFzWyN_wXAmuDJrF443XatUiah_ut9opd/w257-h320/ASmbatyan.png" title="Ashot SMBATYAN" width="257" /></a></div><span style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: black;">07.12.2023</span><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #336699; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-decoration-line: none;"> (Caucasian Journal</a><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><span>)</span></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b><span><span style="background-color: transparent;"><span style="line-height: 16.632px;"> </span></span></span></b></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b>It is an honour for <i>Caucasian Journal</i> to welcome His Excellency Ashot SMBATYAN, the Ambassador of Armenia to Georgia and Hungary.</b></span></div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: red; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; text-align: center;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: medium; text-align: center;"><b style="font-size: 11.88px;"><span style="color: #ff570f;">▶</span><span style="color: red;"> </span></b><b style="font-size: 11.88px; text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="color: #ff570f;">Հ</span></span><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="color: #ff570f;">ա</span></span><span style="color: #ff570f; font-size: medium;">յերեն.</span></b></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; text-align: center;"><b><span style="color: red;"> </span></b><span style="color: #444444;">Read the Armenian version </span><b style="color: #444444;"><a href="https://armenian.caucasianjournal.org/2023/12/blog-post.html" style="color: #336699; text-decoration-line: none;">here</a></b><span style="color: #444444;">.</span></span></div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: 11.88px;"><span><span style="color: #333333; font-size: 11.88px;"><span style="color: #444444;"><span style="color: red; font-size: medium;"><b style="font-size: 11.88px;">▶ </b><span style="font-size: 11.88px;"><b>ქართულად</b></span><b style="font-size: 11.88px;">:</b></span><span style="color: #333333; font-size: 11.88px;"><b><span style="color: red;"> </span></b><span style="color: #444444;">Read the Georgian version </span><b style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://georgian.caucasianjournal.org/2023/12/blog-post.html" style="color: #336699; text-decoration-line: none;">here</a></b><span style="color: #444444;">.</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></div></span></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: right;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>Alexander KAFFKA, editor-in-chief of CJ: </b></i><span style="font-style: italic;">Your Excellency, welcome to Caucasian Journal. This interview is special for us, because one of the aims of our journal is to support the centuries-old ties between the peoples in our region, to share the achievements, and to discuss the solutions to the problems. So, when I was planning the concept of this interview, I wanted to suggest two main themes to discuss: The implications of the latest developments in Nagorno-Karabakh, and the relations with Georgia. You are welcome to correct me by guiding me to other subjects, but let me start by expressing the empathy to over 100,000 Armenians who had to leave Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh), and at this moment are very far from their homes. How would you comment on this – both as a diplomat and as a person?</span><br /><div class="MsoNormal" style="font-style: italic; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>Ashot SMBATYAN: </b>First, let me thank you for this opportunity. It has been a year since I have been appointed the Ambassador of the Republic of Armenia to Georgia, and I believe that this is a good opportunity to sum up the progress we have had during this year.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">I would also like to thank you for your kind words of support regarding the tragedy that happened to the people of Nagorno-Karabakh, it is important to hear these words in friendly Georgia. Indeed, the aggression unleashed by Azerbaijan against the people of Nagorno-Karabakh, followed by forcible displacement of the entire indigenous population of Nagorno-Karabakh was nothing but an ethnic cleansing, which should have been strongly condemned by the international community. Unfortunately, we have witnessed how 100,000 people were forcibly displaced from their homeland by Azerbaijan.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Unfortunately, since the war of 2020 unleashed by Azerbaijan against Nagorno-Karabakh we can see official statements by the leadership of Azerbaijan claiming that the force can be a legitimate tool of resolving issues, which is like opening the Pandora’s Box. And the logic here is that there will always be someone more powerful than you.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">What happened in Nagorno-Karabakh is also a great human tragedy. And I hope that along with Armenia all our friendly countries will try to help to meet the basic needs of these people and share their pain.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>What’s in the future for Armenia-Azerbaijan relations, and for the ethnic Artsakh Armenians?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AS: </b>On September 19-20, Azerbaijan unleashed a large-scale aggression against the people of Nagorno-Karabakh, which claimed hundreds of lives, including among the civilian population, women and children. Tens of thousands people became forcibly displaced, women, children, and elderly were forced to stay in the open air, without food and other means for subsistence. This aggression was a culmination of a 10-months-long blockade of the Lachin corridor and forced starvation imposed on the people of Nagorno-Karabakh. Severe shortage of food, medicine, fuel, natural gas, electricity and other essential goods had already brought the vulnerable people of Nagorno-Karabakh to the brink of humanitarian catastrophe. Facing the existential threat, the indigenous people of Nagorno-Karabakh had no other choice but to leave the soil that their ancestors had lived on for centuries: in 3-4 days following the aggression, more than 100 thousand people were forcibly displaced to Armenia. The policy and actions of Azerbaijan for the last 10 months evidently demonstrate the pre-planned and well-orchestrated nature of this mass atrocity.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The ethnic cleansing policy against Nagorno-Karabakh is just a part of a bigger picture. Azerbaijan continues illegal occupation of the sovereign territory of Armenia and unequivocally speaks about its territorial claims towards Armenia. Moreover, until now dozens of Armenian POWs [prisoners of war - <i>CJ</i>] remain hostages in Baku.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">On the contrary, Armenia has repeatedly confirmed its commitment to sign a peace treaty with Azerbaijan based on the principles of international law, on mutual recognition of territorial integrity and sovereignty. Our principles are largely expressed in the statement adopted after our quadrilateral meeting in Granada. These principles are very clear: the mutual recognition of the territorial integrity based on the Alma-Ata Declaration; the delimitation of the Armenian-Azerbaijani border based on the most recent maps of the Soviet Union, as well as the unblocking of communications under the sovereignty and jurisdiction of two states, based on the principles of equality and reciprocity. Especially regarding the last point, I want to note that this is what we call the “Crossroads of Peace”. We are confident that our territory can become the mentioned crossroads, and that it will bring economic benefits not only to our immediate region or to our neighbours, but also to the whole world, and that it will become a unique guarantee for peace. Unfortunately, Azerbaijani side doesn't seem to be interested in negotiated settlement of issues and long lasting peace in the region, but tries to continue its maximalist policy.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK:</b> Thank you for mentioning the “Crossroads of Peace”. It is the initiative presented by Prime Minister of Armenia on October 26, 2023, when Mr. Pashinyan attended the Silk Road Forum in Tbilisi, and was one of the main speakers there. Could you please elaborate on this topic, what is it about and how do you see its implementation in practice?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AS: </b> The Government of Armenia has recently developed the “Crossroads of Peace” project as an integral part of its peace agenda. Despite the current challenges that the Republic of Armenia faces, through this project we reconfirm our commitment to take our part of responsibility and contribute to achieving long-term peace in our region.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">We do believe that this project is of great interest to all the people that live in our region and can become one of the pillars of regional peace and inclusive development.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The key essence of the “Crossroads of Peace” project is the further development of communications between the all countries of the region by means of renovating, building, and operating roads, railways, pipelines, cables, and electricity lines. It must be based on the principles of sovereignty and jurisdiction of the countries, as well as reciprocity and equality.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">We do believe that together with other regional initiatives the complete implementation of the “Crossroads of Peace” project will lead to deep interconnections and interdependence between the countries of the region with strong infrastructural ties with the neighboring countries and regions. Thus, it will allow turning the South Caucasus into the crossroad between the East and the West, the North and the South, as it used to be for centuries.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">The key essence of the “Crossroads of Peace” project is the further development of communications between the all countries of the region by means of renovating, building, and operating roads, railways, pipelines, cables, and electricity lines.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b> If I am correct, during the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020 you were the ambassador of Armenia to Germany. This time you have been serving in Georgia. Can you compare the situation and your feelings then and now? And in practical terms, how can you assess the Georgia’s potential as a mediator platform?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AS: </b> I would not like to make a distinction between the Azerbaijani aggression against the Nagorno-Karabakh in 2020, the aggressions against the Republic of Armenia in May 2021 and September 2022 and the ethnic cleansing committed in September 2023 in Nagorno-Karabakh. All these are the result of a policy of ethnic hatred against the Armenians officially promoted in Azerbaijan for decades.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Yet in 2020, Azerbaijan violated its commitment of peaceful resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and unleashed a war against the people of Nagorno-Karabakh, accompanied with gross violations of international humanitarian law and war crimes. A number of international organizations recorded the use of foreign mercenaries by Azerbaijan against the people of Nagorno-Karabakh.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Moreover, in 2021 and 2022 as a result of aggression Azerbaijan has occupied parts of the sovereign territory of Armenia. Since the blockade of the Lachin corridor by Azerbaijan in December 2022, major international actors have expressed a clear position regarding the need to unblock the Lachin corridor, halt the suffering of the people of Nagorno-Karabakh and ensure their fundamental human rights. On February 22 and July 6, 2023, the International Court of Justice indicated a provisional measure, according to which “Azerbaijan shall take all measures to ensure unimpeded movement of persons, vehicles and cargo along the Lachin corridor in both directions”. Though the decisions of the ICJ are legally binding for all the UN member states, in response Azerbaijan launched a large-scale military attack against the people of Nagorno-Karabakh.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Hence, all these processes are interconnected and even today, due to lack of clear international reaction to its previous aggressions, Azerbaijan continues its reliance on military force. Moreover, Azerbaijan also uses exaggerated perception of its geopolitical importance due to energy resources as a leverage against different countries, including the European Union and its member states. Recent decision of Azerbaijan to avoid the planned negotiations with Armenia on a peace agreement mediated by the EU and to be held in Granada and Brussels in October 2023 was a vivid example of aforementioned arrogant policy.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">And coming to Georgia, we definitely appreciate the readiness of our Georgian friends to promote the resolution of issues in our region by offering good deeds and support for this purpose. Of course, we should also bear in mind that today we already have existing formats for negotiations.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b> As we have now touched upon the role of Georgia, let’s continue with the Armenia-Georgia relations. Many people expect that two ancient Christian neighboring nations must have elaborated a rocklike partnership. In your view, which are the factors that have been slowing this development down?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AS: </b>Speaking of the relations between Armenia and Georgia one should bear in mind that in both countries are quite young, only 32 years have passed since we regained our independence. And last year we celebrated the 30th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between our countries.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">During these years, we managed to develop quite an inclusive bilateral agenda that encompasses almost all possible areas of cooperation. For the very recent years, we have witnessed even more activation of bilateral contacts in the highest political level, as well as between different state agencies and cultural, educational and other institutions of two countries. Therefore, I would define the bilateral relations between our countries as particularly warm for neighbors, bearing in mind that there is yet a vast potential that can be used to make our relations exemplary.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Of course, we should accept that 32 years of independence were not definitely easy ones for both Armenia and Georgia. Unfortunately, just after the collapse of the Soviet Union our region dragged into a number of conflicts, which definitely had its impact on the cooperation between countries and the potential of the development of the region as a whole. Hence, I do believe that achieving long lasting peace and stability in our region is the main basis for the comprehensive regional cooperation.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK:</b> Do you think that recent political dynamics in our countries are showing a perspective for a much closer cooperation in the future between Armenia and Georgia? </i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AS:</b> In recent years, we can see enhancement of cooperation between Armenia and Georgia. Two ongoing processes can explain this: first, in the modern and fast changing world both Armenia and Georgia, due to their interconnections, face very similar challenges, so we also share common interests. As neighbours, we tend to activate our cooperation to overcome these challenges.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Second, in domestic politics both Armenia and Georgia have chosen the path of building a democratic state as a key attribute for development. In this aspiration, our key partner is the European Union.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">These realities create appropriate preconditions for bringing the relations between Armenia and Georgia to a strategic level. The initial steps in this direction were taken at the meeting of the Prime Ministers of Armenia and Georgia in Batumi in July 2023, where it was noted that Armenia and Georgia aimed to engage in High Level Dialogue on strategic issues. I am convinced that this will provide an additional impetus for effective cooperation while contributing to regional peace and stability.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>Are there any concrete projects in political, economic, or cultural fields that you would like to emphasize? In particular, if your Embassy has been directly involved in such. </i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AS: </b> As I already mentioned the political contacts between our countries are dynamic, only within this year the Prime Ministers of Armenia and Georgia have met on several occasions. We also have active contacts between the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and other institutions that ensure the regular exchange of views on the developments in regional and international dimensions.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">During this year, we also established a new format of cooperation between the Foreign Relations Committees of the Parliaments of the Republic of Armenia and Georgia. In May, the first joint session of the aforementioned commissions was held in Tbilisi, and we hope that this will become another effective platform for political dialogue between our countries.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">In January 2023, we had the 12th session of Intergovernmental Commission on Economic Cooperation between Armenia and Georgia in Yerevan, chaired by the Prime Ministers of both countries, and almost all possible directions of cooperation were included in the agenda. It was followed by the Armenian-Georgian business forum held in Tbilisi with the participation of more than hundred businesses.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">In terms of economic cooperation with Georgia, we are also very much interested in implementation of regional projects. For instance, during the meeting with the Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan in Granada, the European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen confirmed the support of the Commission to Armenia’s participation in the Black Sea Electricity Cable, and in this regard, we would highly value the support of our Georgian colleagues as well.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Armenia also pays much attention to the cultural relations with Georgia. We try to have cultural events in Georgia as often as possible, and we will continue our efforts in this direction. Another important pillar is the direct cooperation between cultural institutions of our countries. In these terms, I can mention the signing of the Memorandum of Cooperation between the Cultural Committees of our Parliaments, which was something new for both Armenia and Georgia. The relevant Ministries of the two countries also consider the plan of having the Armenian and Georgian cultural days in Georgia and Armenia respectively.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AK: </b> <i>We at the Caucasian Journal are strong believers in the importance of wide dissemination of the best practices, reform experiences and other advanced know-how. This is why we devoted much attention to Armenia's unique <a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/2022/07/pegor-papazian-our-super-goal-is-to.html">TUMO education centers</a> (a free-of-charge study program for teenagers in IT and design). We would be happy to offer our media resource to promote more projects like this – in Georgia and internationally. Perhaps you could name more Armenian projects, where our information support might be useful? </i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AS: </b>You are right; the TUMO has definitely become one of the popular visiting cards of modern day Armenia. The TUMO Center for Creative Technologies is a free-of-charge educational program made up of 14 learning targets including web and game development, animation, graphic design, programming, robotics, 3D modeling, etc. The main advantage of this program is that the teens here are the ones responsible for their learning; they combine these targets into personal learning paths that adapt to their evolving preferences and rate of progress.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">I would pay no less importance to the Armath Engineering Laboratories, which is a similarly successful and forward-looking educational program. These labs can also be established in the schools with the aim to introduce kids aged from 10 to 18 to science, technology, engineering and math education through interactive after-school classes, exciting competitions, innovative camps and more. Just like TUMO, Armath has also started the process of exporting the Armenian model of technology education all over the world. As of 2023, besides Armenia Armath labs operate in Kuwait, France, USA, Georgia (Samtskhe-Javakheti), India, etc. During her visit to Georgia in spring 2023, the Minister of Education, Science, Culture and Sport of Armenia proposed to the Georgian side to consider the establishment of Armath Lab in one of the schools in Tbilisi, and I hope that with our Georgian colleagues we will succeed to establish these labs also in Tbilisi.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">I would also like to mention the COAF (Children of Armenia Fund) SMART Center established in the Lori region of Armenia. It is a unique non-formal education hub for the children from the rural regions aged from 3 to 18, based on 3Hs Educational Theory – Head, Heart, Hand. It offers up to 18 programs to students including arts and music (Heart), entrepreneurship and languages (Head), engineering and athletics (Hand).</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>Thank you! Speaking about TUMO Centers, we know this Armenian concept is proliferating to France, Russia, USA; in Germany, the TUMO center was opened while you served there as ambassador. I cannot help mentioning that, alas, only one tiny TUMO class exists in Georgia (in Armenian-speaking Javakheti). What can be done to realize such projects, which could have an immense importance for strengthening the ties between our peoples? </i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AS: </b>The concept of TUMO Centers proved to be quite attractive to our friends abroad. In just about 10 years, TUMO centers have been established in Paris, Beirut, Tirana, Berlin, Zurich, Kyiv, Lyon, etc. In fact, I consider the establishment of the TUMO center in Berlin as one of the main accomplishments of my diplomatic mission in Germany. This network of TUMO centers operating all over the world can be an effective mechanism of establishing ties between the youth of different countries. In this context, we are definitely interested and open for cooperation with our Georgian colleagues to add Tbilisi to this international network of TUMO Centers.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK:</b> In an interview at the start of your work in Georgia, you named as your important goal the intensification of personal contacts between citizens according to principle “more Armenia in Georgia and more Georgia in Armenia”. Are there any steps that have been made in this direction during the past year? In particular, for the young people, how do you assess their perspectives for joint study or other future projects?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AS:</b> I do consider the intensification of personal contacts as one of the key directions of the activities of diplomats. In this context, I can speak about several fields that can stipulate people to people contacts between Armenians and Georgians.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">In this context, tourism has its specific place. You know that Georgia is traditionally one of the favorite destinations of Armenian tourists, while the number of Georgians visiting Armenia is comparatively less. However, I can see the positive tendency in this direction: in 2022, we had an increase in the number of Georgian citizens visiting Armenia; it was more than 175 thousand. Therefore, we must continue our work towards making Armenia more attractive for Georgian tourists.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">In January 2023, our Prime Ministers signed an agreement that makes it possible for the citizens of Armenia and Georgia to visit our countries with the ID cards, which is an additional impetus for our citizens visiting each other’s countries. I should note that Georgia is the first country with whom Armenia signed this kind of agreement.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Another important step is holding regular cultural events in our countries. Currently we discuss with our Georgian colleagues holding Armenian and Georgian cultural days in our countries, which will be a good opportunity to present our cultures and gather Armenian and Georgian youth together in one place.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Education can be another sphere fostering contacts between youth. During the visit of the Minister of Education, Science, Culture and Sport of Armenia to Georgia, we had Memorandums signed between the Yerevan State University and Tbilisi State University, as well as between two basic schools from Yerevan and Tbilisi. One of the key aspects of these Memorandums was the idea of student exchanges between the universities and schools. I think that we should continue our work in this direction, increasing the number of Armenian and Georgian schools and universities cooperating with each other.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">We also have the format of Youth forums held in Armenia and Georgia annually. We have a vision on how to enhance our cooperation in this framework, which is currently being discussed with the Georgian side.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b> My last but still important question is about relations with Hungary. Being based in Tbilisi, you are serving as Ambassador not only to Georgia, but also to Hungary. If I am correct, you are the first ambassador after restoration of diplomatic relations with Budapest – after a 10 years’ severing (following Hungary's extradition of an Azerbaijani prisoner convicted of the murder of an Armenian officer in 2004). How would you comment on the state of relations with Hungary, and their perspectives for Armenia?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AS: </b> You are right, after the meeting on the margins of the OSCE Ministerial Council in Łódź, Poland in December 2022, the Foreign Ministers of the Republic of Armenia and Hungary agreed to restore full diplomatic relations between our countries, expressing intention to open a new chapter in Armenian-Hungarian relations based on mutual trust and respect towards international law. Soon after non-resident Ambassadors were appointed.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">There are deep historical and cultural ties, as well as shared Christian heritage between the Armenian and Hungarian nations. Besides that, we have an Armenian community in Hungary that is a constitutionally recognized national minority, which is quite a unique status all over the world.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Of course, the lack of diplomatic relations between Armenia and Hungary had created a gap, but our governments decided to work towards the development of a new agenda that in addition to political dialogue would include the fields of economy and trade, energy, culture, education, etc. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">During this year we have already had several high-level visits, the last one was the visit of the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade of Hungary Mr. Péter Szijjártó to Armenia only a few weeks ago.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">We also consider the cooperation with Hungary in the context of Armenia-EU relations. And we expect that the Hungarian side will support the initiatives aimed at deepening our ties with the European Union. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>If there is anything that you would like to add for our readers, the floor is yours. </i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>AS: </b>I think we had quite an interesting and inclusive interview that covered many directions of cooperation between Armenia and Georgia, as well as some regional developments and security issues. Hence, I would like once again to thank you for this opportunity and reconfirm my readiness to continue our cooperation in future.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>Thank you very much!</i></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span><span><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif;"><div><a href="http://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="clear: right; color: #336699; float: right; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em; text-decoration-line: none;"><img border="0" height="20" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgMNzdlRhJ0kGUbW_szml-FL3DWRne16sJXkFH5I5Xa7C5AGJdd7TiUz_9ltIU7wPE1eSJsZYHksLj4udjpGDeNcy03xmcY6xQvsQUeC_qSseKt0sZ6xsrzGWgg6jY_9YlP7Iob7VlMlMeC/s200/favicon.jpg" style="background-attachment: initial; 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</div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-74157436773941057792023-12-01T16:16:00.005+04:002023-12-17T15:28:31.909+04:00Op-Ed: The Philosophy of Corruption<div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div dir="ltr" trbidi="on"><div style="background-color: #d0e1e1; padding: 10px;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span><span style="color: #444444;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-weight: bold; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiczIALqTOnNhtAn-VXzowtXOb778mPNwPK0k3cPhUZ_ndf1RaHMJEdlO0DYvIzB2eue3No_vkSjHc7arziaTAalzKmRp40naBx_r1fxYyX4kr_O91nhI5Z9And9PU7YZASvN5iLWzkWL9iLhydmPJk32NNrwhqARbpKjfUogvEeIiFN6lDkBBX4DnYFhLq/s335/Oped%20big.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Op-Ed" border="0" data-original-height="204" data-original-width="335" height="106" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiczIALqTOnNhtAn-VXzowtXOb778mPNwPK0k3cPhUZ_ndf1RaHMJEdlO0DYvIzB2eue3No_vkSjHc7arziaTAalzKmRp40naBx_r1fxYyX4kr_O91nhI5Z9And9PU7YZASvN5iLWzkWL9iLhydmPJk32NNrwhqARbpKjfUogvEeIiFN6lDkBBX4DnYFhLq/w174-h106/Oped%20big.png" title="Op-Ed" width="174" /></a></div><span>01.12.2023 (Caucasian Journal). </span><i style="font-weight: bold;">Caucasian Journal</i><b> is starting an Op-Ed Section, which welcomes free opinion articles by experts from various fields. </b></span></span><span><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Our today's Op-Ed author is Fady ASLY, </b></span></span><span style="color: #444444;"><b>Chairman of the International Chamber of Commerce in Georgia (ICC Georgia). </b></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjm4tvwmdTcEDFF7mIC2wwlyk1dUPidkcUbfahZdK6qr8RhMhuGP2pWe7wtal3efcTn8yTqjpUjI3fGcUDbmLq2Bo5r1N8zK222tEojnjFDDzQt8RMihN9lbOrJ8uRVJTBzYEdQL19wdgoWkLUhR-I8UZrFs84BRjSaLThKZ0SFgzeKbNdWpDxAeoe-eoez/s366/Asly.png" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="Fady Asly" border="0" data-original-height="366" data-original-width="305" height="297" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjm4tvwmdTcEDFF7mIC2wwlyk1dUPidkcUbfahZdK6qr8RhMhuGP2pWe7wtal3efcTn8yTqjpUjI3fGcUDbmLq2Bo5r1N8zK222tEojnjFDDzQt8RMihN9lbOrJ8uRVJTBzYEdQL19wdgoWkLUhR-I8UZrFs84BRjSaLThKZ0SFgzeKbNdWpDxAeoe-eoez/w248-h297/Asly.png" title="Fady Asly" width="248" /></a></div><b style="color: #444444;">As usual with Op-Ed articles, the opinions and thoughts expressed in them reflect only the author’s views. Feel free to comment using the form below or in our <a href="http://www.facebook.com/CaucasianJournal.org/">Facebook</a> or <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/company/10543892/">LinkedIn</a>. If you are interested in contributing your own article for publication, you are welcome to contact <i>Caucasian Journal.</i></b></div></div></div></div><div><div><i><b><br /></b></i></div><div><b>The Philosophy of Corruption </b></div><div><i>by Fady ASLY</i></div></div><div><br /></div><div>We hear about corruption every day, and often take it at face value without really understanding what it means from the human point of view.</div><div><br /></div><div>My article aims at explaining corruption from the point of view of morality and of the degradation of the corrupt individual.</div><div><br /></div><div>The notion of corruption is as old as humanity and morals; we have heard it since biblical times. Since Genesis, the submission of Adam and Eve to the temptation of the forbidden fruit and their subsequent expulsion from the Garden of Eden is, in fact, the mark of our corruption, meaning our distance from the good.</div><div><br /></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><div>Over the centuries many philosophers have mentioned corruption; Pascal in the 17th century used to blame humankind for its propensity for envy for vice, and Thomas Hobbes said: “Homo homini lupus”, implying that humans are wolves to other humans.</div><div><br /></div><div>Liberal philosophers of the 18th century thought along the same lines, Helvetius wrote an amazing line regarding this matter, he said: “If the physical universe is subject to the law of movement, the moral universe is subject to the law of interest”.</div><div><br /></div><div>Liberal philosophers believed that it would be useless to turn humans into virtuous ones because it simply won’t work, and that instead of improving the vices of humans, we have to accept them and deal with them. This means finding a way to regulate human vices without impeding social cohesion.</div><div><br /></div><div>All this brings us to the need to define corruption:</div><div><br /></div><div>Corruption means to go against one’s principles and moral values in exchange for material benefit.</div><div><br /></div><div>We would say that someone is corrupt if, for instance, they will agree to lie in exchange for money, or when they will agree to “turn a blind eye” for benefits; or when they will use their authority to gain some favors.</div><div><br /></div><div>What constitutes the essence of corruption is not only to act against morality or to be simply dishonest, but to be dishonest in exchange for material gains.</div><div><br /></div><div>The corrupt individual is someone who would do something for material interest that they wouldn’t do if this material interest wasn’t offered.</div><div><br /></div><div>Being corrupt is to accept doing things knowing very well that those things are against morality, it is to accept doing something at a time we know that it is wrong.</div><div><br /></div><div>The corrupt football referee, the corrupt judge, or the corrupt politician knows perfectly well that what they do is not correct; they know perfectly well that they can’t refer to any moral system to justify their corruption.</div><div><br /></div><div>That’s why corruption stands among things that are very negatively perceived in our societies, because if we can buy someone’s conscience with money or dictate their behavior remotely, this means that this person has rejected their conscience, and if they rejected their conscience, they have lost something fundamental in their status as a human being, since what characterizes a human being is their ability to say “no”; it is their ability to place values above materialistic issues, in other terms, not to be slaves of interest.</div><div><br /></div><div>A corrupt person is someone whose conscience is sellable, and what do we buy from a corrupt individual? We buy the silence of their conscience, and if we can buy the conscience of a person and subject this conscience to the desire of another conscience, then anthropologically, this means that the person is not entirely a person anymore; it means that this person is not their own master anymore, but that they have become the servant of an external conscience who has the material means to possess their conscience.</div><div><br /></div><div><div style="font-style: italic;"><div style="font-style: normal;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">Corruption is when your conscience chooses freely not to be a free conscience anymore.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div><div><i><br /></i></div><div>This is what Hegel described as a “servile conscience”, a conscience that renounces its own sovereignty and sells itself to the one who offers the highest price.</div><div><br /></div><div>Immanuel Kant used to say that moral values are what make the difference between a person and an object, and therefore if you throw a stone into the water, the stone has no means to deviate from the trajectory that you gave it, because the stone has no conscience and therefore no will that emanate from its conscience to determine its own trajectory.</div><div><br /></div><div>But you can’t do the same for a free human being, because the human being is not only a physical body but they also have a conscience, and because they have a conscience, therefore their actions are determined by their will.</div><div><br /></div><div>We can’t manipulate a human being like an object because humans are not puppets, they have their own conscience and their own will, and therefore, the only way to manipulate a person in the literal sense, like an object, is to manipulate their will, it is to convert their will.</div><div><i><br /></i></div></div></div><div>If you find a way to influence the will of an individual, you don’t need to force them anymore to do what you want; all you have to do is to propose an offer that they can’t refuse, an offer that will weigh on their scales heavier than their own moral conscience, and once you control their will, you control their behavior and you control remotely their actions; this is how you turn an individual from being a human to becoming an object.</div><div><br /></div><div>Corruption is when a person freely accepts becoming an object, agreeing freely to sell their freedom, as only a free being can be prone to become corrupt, because only a free human has the possibility to sell their conscience, thus choosing freely to reject their principles.</div><div><br /></div><div>If corruption is so badly perceived and viewed by many as a “moral ugliness”, it is because the corrupt has willingly given away a part of their humanity and its related freedom.</div><div><br /></div><div>We can’t respect a human who has become an object, because we don’t respect objects; we respect humans for their conscience and their morals.</div><div><br /></div><div>Corruption is not doing things that are viewed as being illegitimate, because the notion of legitimacy is very abstract, corruption is when we go against our conscience, against our own understanding of legitimacy because another conscience has the power to buy our consent.</div><div><br /></div><div>Corruption is when your conscience chooses freely not to be a free conscience anymore.</div><div><br /></div><b><span style="font-family: arial;">Feel free to comment using the form below or in our <a href="http://www.facebook.com/CaucasianJournal.org/">Facebook</a> or <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/company/10543892/">LinkedIn</a>. If you are interested in contributing your own article for publication, you are welcome to contact <i>Caucasian Journal.</i></span></b><div><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="20" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgMNzdlRhJ0kGUbW_szml-FL3DWRne16sJXkFH5I5Xa7C5AGJdd7TiUz_9ltIU7wPE1eSJsZYHksLj4udjpGDeNcy03xmcY6xQvsQUeC_qSseKt0sZ6xsrzGWgg6jY_9YlP7Iob7VlMlMeC/s200/favicon.jpg" style="background-attachment: scroll; background-clip: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0% 0%; background-repeat: repeat; background-size: initial; border: medium none; box-shadow: transparent 0px 0px 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative;" width="20" /></a><div><br /></div></div><div style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: line-height: 16.632px; margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: left;">
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<!--End mc_embed_signup-->Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-72140130728086454672023-11-18T00:51:00.006+04:002023-11-30T20:21:44.895+04:00Ambassador Petr KUBERNÁT: “Our priority is to help the EU integration of Georgia - if they wish”<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 6px;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEigzUTS58sBv4mcFgAAjk_yt8xQ2kQnTdjmE2utUYFAYQ4muoZOfmoCdSvXxgm9i91BQlXlo9VnIS8m-87n2V0I_VRd4mXIcOnkdrz4aMSMqtrzlx4ahMKIQB5fba2mCAFx50dXK74sazPJSPWCl5bNSkFlClmk8G9Nv2fQuknjUNrs8uk1t7i9cjmRF9Mx/s2591/IMG_7129.jpg" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="Petr Kubernat" border="0" data-original-height="2591" data-original-width="1932" height="311" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEigzUTS58sBv4mcFgAAjk_yt8xQ2kQnTdjmE2utUYFAYQ4muoZOfmoCdSvXxgm9i91BQlXlo9VnIS8m-87n2V0I_VRd4mXIcOnkdrz4aMSMqtrzlx4ahMKIQB5fba2mCAFx50dXK74sazPJSPWCl5bNSkFlClmk8G9Nv2fQuknjUNrs8uk1t7i9cjmRF9Mx/w232-h311/IMG_7129.jpg" title="Petr Kubernat" width="232" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: right;"><span style="color: #666666; font-size: x-small;">Photo:<i> Caucasian Journal</i></span></td></tr></tbody></table></div><span style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: black;">18.11.2023</span><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #336699; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-decoration-line: none;"> (Caucasian Journal</a><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><span>)</span></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b><span><span style="background-color: transparent;"><span style="line-height: 16.632px;"> </span></span></span></b></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b>Today <i>Caucasian Journal</i> has the honour to talk with His Excellency Petr KUBERNÁT, the newly appointed Ambassador of the Czech Republic to Georgia. His term in Tbilisi started last August. Mr. Kubernát has an impressive experience in diplomatic and other governmental service, as well as in the private sector.<br /></b></span></div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: red; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; text-align: center;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: red; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-align: center;"><span><b style="font-size: 11.88px;">▶ </b><span style="font-size: 11.88px;"><b>ქართულად</b></span><b style="font-size: 11.88px;">:</b></span><span style="color: #333333; font-size: 11.88px;"><b><span style="color: red;"> </span></b><span style="color: #444444;">Read the Georgian version </span><b style="color: #444444;"><a href="http://georgian.caucasianjournal.org/2023/11/blog-post.html" style="color: #336699; text-decoration-line: none;">here</a></b><span style="color: #444444;">.</span></span></span></div></span></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: right;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>Alexander KAFFKA, editor-in-chief of CJ:</b></i><span style="font-style: italic;"> Your Excellency, welcome to Georgia and to Caucasian Journal, we thank you for attention to our readers. Let me first congratulate you with the Czech national holiday – the Freedom and Democracy Day – which is celebrated on November 17. If I’m correct, throughout your career you have been working primarily in Western Europe. Does Georgia seem like a terra incognita to you? </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><br /></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>Petr KUBERNÁT: </b>I was in Georgia for the first time in 1982. It was during my study at the Taras Shevchenko University in Kiev. I studied international law and international relations there, and my specialization was international economic relations. We decided with one of my friends to see a little bit outside of Ukraine. So we went to the Caucasus republics, starting with Tbilisi and continuing to Yerevan and Baku. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">It was more than 40 years ago. I still remember the “Tarkhun” – that green lemonade. I like it very much, and I am very glad that I found it again here. Then I remember from that time, there was already the statue – Mother Georgia, and she's still there. And then I remember the Rustaveli Avenue, which was very nice, and now it’s even better and nicer, I think. But all the other things have changed – changed in very positive ways, including the people. So this is my second time in Georgia.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The people are really very friendly. And since presentation of my credential to Madame President on August 17, I have had the privilege to meet very friendly Georgian people and to experience a great hospitality, to taste your delicious cuisine and excellent wine. So, now I know that I will really enjoy my stay here in your country. But, of course, I can't say that I knew everything about Georgia before coming here.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>I think it is quite advantageous for Georgia to get such an experienced professional as you serving as ambassador here – and not only for Czech-Georgia relations. In the 1990s-2000s you have played a key role in Czechia’s preparation to accession into the EU. From that standpoint, how do you assess the situation with Georgia’s EU membership bid?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>PK: </b>You are right; most of my working area was in the Western part of Europe. And, maybe it was also the reason that I was a little bit tired of the Western Europe. I was serving in the European Union member states, and the job of an ambassador there is a little bit different from the job of an ambassador outside of the EU. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">So I said to myself - let's try to go somewhere outside of the EU, where it's different but still close to what I have done so far. And because I was very much involved in the European integration business, I thought it would be nice to look around for a country which was negotiating the membership. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>I'm sorry to interrupt. This is a bit unusual - could you actually decide where to go for your service?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>PK:</b> We can choose some options. I wanted very much Georgia, but, in my case, it was not 100 percent guaranteed that I get what I want. But I have succeeded. I had some expectation, as I know a little bit Georgia, and I can communicate very easily in Russian. Of course, we had much in common... For many years we have been under the Soviet regime or very close to the Soviet regime. It was the case for us and for the Georgians. So I had the feeling that I knew already the country, or at least it was quite close to me, and that I could understand the nature of the people.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK:</b> Do you observe any parallels between the Georgian and the Czech EU membership bids, or is each accession process a completely unique case? In my view, it would be a shame not to take advantage of your experience, at such a decisive moment for Georgia’s EU aspiration. Do you think you would have a chance to contribute your piece of advice here in Georgia?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>PK: </b>I was responsible for the coordination of internal preparation of my country for accession, and also I was a part of the negotiation team. So I think that I have quite good and solid knowledge of the whole accession process and also the negotiation process. And now, during my courtesy visits and calls, I am offering to share my know-how and my experience – if they wish, of course, as I can't push them. It's up to them [the Georgia’s authorities]. So far, there is a positive reaction at the different ministries, and also in the Parliament. I had meetings with the Prime Minister, the Speaker, the chair of the Integration Committee and the Foreign Relations Committee. They are happy to know that there is somebody who can tell how it was during our accession time.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">And of course it will not be similar, because, first of all, the time element. We have entered in 2004, so next year it will be already 20 years since our entry into EU. Of course, there have been changes since then. Still, I think that the basis remains the same. I remember that when we were starting the negotiation, we had been told that the <i>acquis communautaire</i> [accumulated legislation, legal acts and court decisions that constitute the body of European Union law since 1993 – <i>CJ</i>] is about 85,000 pages long! I don't know how much it is now – probably more, but at the same time some of this legislation is already abolished, or there are some changes and amendments. Anyway, it's a lot of pages, I'm sure. It will also be the case with Georgia, when you start to negotiate. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The first stage of negotiation is the process of screening, when you are comparing your legislation with the <i>acquis</i>. All this negotiation is about these differences and how to accommodate them, because sometimes they are difficult to adopt, and you need some transitional period. The length and the substance of this transitional period is exactly the subject of negotiation. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">I'm trying to tell my Georgian partners, that a very important part of EU preparation is communication strategy. You should communicate to your people, and this communication must be very well-targeted”.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">And then what is also different is the starting point. When we have started our negotiation, it was 1998, and Georgia will start – nobody knows yet, but definitely there will be a different starting position, and this is why the process also will have some differences.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">What I would like also very much mentioning – and I am doing this during all the courtesy calls – is that when I came at the airport and was coming to the city, I was surprised by such a big number of EU flags. I said to myself, maybe I am already in a member state? And the second thing that came to my mind, as I am very much business-oriented, was that it was a good business to produce the flags, because they were in such a huge demand.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">I was also positively surprised by the high support of the Georgian population – to have the support of more than 80 percent is really great. But I also understand that the people are feeling rather “by heart” that they would like to be a part of Europe. In our case, it was the same. Maybe it's difficult for somebody to understand, but I remember that we were saying we would like to <i>go back</i> to Europe, as we had always been a part of it, unfortunately separated for more than 40 years by the “iron curtain”.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">So I fully understand that there is such a support, and that it's just a feeling of the heart, without knowing much about the European Union, how it functions, without knowing much about all the rights and duties. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">And this is why I'm trying to tell my Georgian partners, that a very important part of your preparation is so-called communication strategy. You should communicate to your people, and this communication must be very well-targeted, as the communication with the general public is different from communication with the businesspeople, or students, teachers, children, youth, and so on.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">I think that it is very important to avoid the frustration of the people, because I have the feeling sometimes – and that's not a criticism from my side, it's just <i>status quo</i> – that a lot of people believe that once Georgia is granted with the candidate status, everything would be solved. Just overnight, problems and complications would disappear, and Georgia would become a big paradise, which is, of course, not true. I think it's normal, because the people are like this; and it was the same feeling in my country for some groups of people.</div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;"> I have the feeling that a lot of people believe that once Georgia is granted with candidate status, everything would be solved overnight, problems would disappear, and Georgia would become a big paradise.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px;"><br /></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">This is why it is important, in my view, to inform the people objectively, to give them the argumentation, to tell them about all the rights, but at the same time to tell that there are also duties, that they have to follow concrete rules and limits, and that there would be influence practically on everybody, each day from the EU membership. In my view, this is the task of the politicians to do it -the parliamentarians, the government, to inform the people. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>Unfortunately, nobody is doing this, neither politicians nor the mass media. We are trying to contribute what we can. I'm very glad that you are attaching such a high importance to this. </i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>PK: </b>Of course, and there are some limits on your side, I guess. About this communication strategy, I would like to add that, you still have some time. It's not really a priority for tomorrow to do it immediately, but you have to start, because it's a long, long way. And to avoid the frustration of the people, they have to be informed. In our case, it was even more appropriate, because we had the referendum at the end.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">So we wanted that the people are very well informed to decide whether to go to European Union or no – to decide it on a solid basis of argumentation. And not just “I slept badly so I say <i>no </i>to the European Union”, or <i>vice versa</i>… I suppose that in case of Georgia, there will not be any referendum about the accession of your country. But anyway, it doesn't mean that the people wouldn't like to be informed.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">And this is very crucial, in my view. All this harmonization of legislation is rather technical. I have been so many times informed that during the last year you have adopted hundreds of new laws to approximate with the EU legislation. I said, wow, it's really a huge number. But then I'm always saying - OK, to adopt a new law is one part, but then there is the case of the implementation. And it's very difficult to judge now about the implementation if a new law was just adopted. You need some time to see how it functions in practice. I think it's very important.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">During this harmonization of legislation, it’s important to inform the people that if we change this law, there would be some impact. For example, you will need to pay higher taxes, because it's needed for better environment protection or for recycling. (And I was surprised that there is hardly any recycling here, and I have difficulty to dispose of a bottle to an appropriate designated garbage can, because in my country, we are separating all the waste). All these things are very important to the people.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">To complete about this communication strategy – we were speaking about the internal part, but there is also the external part. As you are a future negotiating country, you should inform also externally the current EU member states who you are, what is your tradition, habit, history, and so on. I’m sure you have something concrete with which you can enrich the European “table” of culture, education, etc.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">The current EU member states will decide about your membership but, frankly speaking, not so many of them know you.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px;"><br /></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">And this is also very important because the current member states will decide about your membership but, frankly speaking, not so many know you. We can say that we know you not by a hundred percent, but better than the others. And for the others who do not know you yet, you have to organize some kind of external communication strategy. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">It was also in our case and was quite important, even though we are in the center of Europe, and so many people are traveling as tourists to Czechia and know about the beer, the Škoda cars, the mountains and so on. But anyway, even we had to organize such an external communication to present who we are, that we have a very rich past, and we can share it with the world. So this external part of communication strategy is also very important.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Again, it's not a priority for tomorrow, but you should think now how to start, to prepare a little bit. I remember that time, when we organized it as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. We were like an umbrella organization, covering all other ministries and state institutions as a manager of the process. And I remember that the communication strategy had an internal and external part. We have announced the tenders, and a lot of NGOs were participating in organizing seminars and presentations; we even organized quizzes and tests for children. We had money for that, and the NGOs participated with pleasure because for them it was also a very interesting and important issue. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>So the external part consisted of events organized within European Union, but sponsored by the Czech government or NGOs?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>PK:</b> Yes, it was the external part of communication with the support of the Czech Embassy abroad. So, I remember the budgets of the embassies in the current member states were increased a little bit to cover this public diplomacy, so they organized all kinds of projects. It was always very good to involve a local player as well.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">So, it was very good. Let's say a hectic time, but also very interesting, because for me it was an experience for the rest of my life. I can live on such experience, and I have got a lot of knowledge on the horizontal level, from across different spheres such as agriculture, industry, economics, finance, and so on. And I am really very pleased that I was a part of that process.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>I am sure you are formulating some priorities for your Embassy. What are they like for the coming months? </i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>PK: </b> I have three main priorities. The first one is to help the integration of Georgia. If they wish, of course. Also, I'm sure you know, we are quite strong in the field of development cooperation and the transition programs. And the third priority is the business, because, as I have mentioned, I am quite business-oriented. So I would like to increase the trade turnover between Czechia and Georgia.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">It's not so bad, I have to say. Last year, in 2022, we reached about 200 million EUR. But I think there is always a potential to improve it, and in this respect I would like to do my best. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">You know that Energo Pro is the biggest investor from my country; Škoda Cars and some other companies are active in the Georgian market. For example Škoda Transportation is interested in the public tender on the metro reconstruction and railway carriages.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">So these three main priorities. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>Let’s face it: Georgia is a small country and not all attach a great significance to her role. How is Georgia – and the whole South Caucasian region – viewed from Prague?</i></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;"> Georgia is among six priority countries in the whole world for my country, as regards the development cooperation and transitional program, and it will remain so in the future as well...</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px;"><br /></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>PK: </b>The South Caucasus region has always been very close to our heart, if I may say so. We have, in fact, opened embassies in all the three republics – Baku, Yerevan, and Tbilisi. Our embassy in Tbilisi was the first one in the region. Georgia is among six priority countries in the whole world for my country, as regards the development cooperation and transitional program, and it will remain so in the future as well. So we are doing a lot of projects in this field and we will continue to do so. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">I'm even asking myself: Maybe I will need more time to spend in Georgia? That’s because I'm meeting a lot of people who know much about the Czechs and about Czechia, and I think there is some special “chemistry” between the Georgians and the Czechs, but I don't know exactly what is it.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Maybe we have some common experience from the past, and we have more or less the same future. What is this? I don't know yet exactly what is it.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><i><br /></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>Let me think about this. The first thing that comes to my mind is that maybe they have read Jaroslav Hašek? The Czech culture has been well known not only in Georgia, but all over the Soviet Union. And if you show one of good Georgian comedies in Czech Republic, I'm sure most people would understand the humour. I had recently interviewed a German who is producing a comedy series about a Georgian, an Armenian, and an Azerbaijani students living in the same apartment (<a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/2023/01/oliver-muser-humor-is-promising.html">link</a>), and I am sure you will understand a lot of this humour. At Caucasian Journal we generally pay special attention to the relationship between the three Caucasian countries.</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><i><br /></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>PK: </b>But your humor is a little bit different, no? And there is classical music, and many other aspects which are composing this mosaic of close ties and relationship between the Georgians and the Czechs, so I think we are close to each other.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">You touched a very important point about the regional cooperation. I still remember, during our time, the European Commission and the Union said: “You should prove that you are able to regionally cooperate because if you are, you will be able also to cooperate inside the European Union”. So it's very important to prove this ability.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><i><br /></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>I wish to congratulate you once again with the Czech national holiday, thank you sincerely for giving the interview to Caucasian Journal, and wish you a very successful and enjoyable ambassadorial term in Georgia. </i></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span><span><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif;"><div><a href="http://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="clear: right; color: #336699; float: right; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em; text-decoration-line: none;"><img border="0" height="20" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgMNzdlRhJ0kGUbW_szml-FL3DWRne16sJXkFH5I5Xa7C5AGJdd7TiUz_9ltIU7wPE1eSJsZYHksLj4udjpGDeNcy03xmcY6xQvsQUeC_qSseKt0sZ6xsrzGWgg6jY_9YlP7Iob7VlMlMeC/s200/favicon.jpg" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: none; box-shadow: transparent 0px 0px 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative;" width="20" /></a></div><br /></div><div><div style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px;"><span style="font-size: 11.88px;"><span style="font-size: 11.88px;">Read the Georgian language version</span><b style="font-size: 11.88px;"> <span style="color: #666666;"><a href="http://georgian.caucasianjournal.org/2023/11/blog-post.html" style="color: #336699; text-decoration-line: none;">here</a></span>. </b></span></div><div style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px;"><span style="font-size: 11.88px;"><b style="font-size: 11.88px;"><br /></b></span></div><div style="background-color: white; 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</div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-380939006776909652023-11-13T17:23:00.006+04:002023-11-15T15:33:52.637+04:00Next meeting of Caucasian Journal Club to discuss Taliban and religious extremism<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1IquzU349Zh4fYtpjO3cKDZ49XYuC99tm/view" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="CJ Club" border="0" data-original-height="2723" data-original-width="2726" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh5a8X4hsODpxlonTyOMsr7d8CHuj0AKg44Y1NAMo1VZ-TyR52VMgvIRuhJ-0sSSazsXXvEHQ0DpL0wXB_2y1iNkfoNKJPHl8KFVvKPwBJgyve-vQEfp9zxzFBzMn5HUQXlKv8WPAjP4FJWbW84OBw0LszQlUwsxQ-ytGflIzpo2YwcWWWUbbDgkCPBuPas/w320-h320/CJ%20Club%20ICC.png" title="CJ Club" width="320" /></a></div></i><span style="font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.88px;">13.11.2023. On</span></span> <b>November 21, </b><i>Caucasian Journal</i> and International Chamber of Commerce in Georgia have the pleasure to invite you to the Caucasian Journal Club meeting <b>"The Taliban’s Jihad: Why Religious Extremism Will Continue to Threaten World Security" </b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">After almost 10 years spent in Afghanistan, the Swiss journalist <b>Franz MARTY </b>is going to share his reflections with the Caucasian Journal Club. Franz is a freelance journalist who, between December 2014 and June 2023, including during the Taliban takeover in August 2021, lived and worked in Afghanistan. While there, he conducted exclusive interviews with Taliban (before and after their return to power) as well as unaccompanied investigative reporting from remote and hostile corners of the country.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Mr. Marty is a fellow of the Swiss Institute For Global Affairs and has written for<i> The Diplomat, Jane's</i>, The Afghanistan Analysts Network, <i>Weltwoche</i>, and <i>Neue Zürcher Zeitung</i>, among others. He has also contributed to numerous live broadcasts on CNN, Deutsche Welle, France 24, BBC World Service, and Radio France Internationale.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The Caucasian Journal Club meetings hosted by ICC Georgia are free and relaxed discussions on the premises of the largest business association, overlooking Tbilisi from the Mtatsminda hill. They usually consist of a brief introductory part presented by the speaker, followed by questions and answers. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The Club meetings are closed door events for up to 45 attendees. As number of seats is limited, an advance reservation is essential. Admission fee: 30 GEL in advance or 35 GEL on the spot. Please register by email at <a href="mailto:Club@CaucasianJournal.org">Club@CaucasianJournal.org</a> or by direct message to our <a href="http://www.Facebook.com/CaucasianJournal.org">Facebook page</a>. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Date: Tuesday, November 21 2023, at 18:00. Location: ICC Georgia, 3/29 Polikarpe Kakabadze Street (see map in the attached <a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1IquzU349Zh4fYtpjO3cKDZ49XYuC99tm/view?usp=sharing">PDF file</a>)</div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; line-height: 16.632px; margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: left;">
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<!--End mc_embed_signup-->Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-8015615212704280642023-09-27T09:00:00.158+04:002023-09-27T12:01:50.356+04:00A proposal for future electoral system of Abkhazia Autonomous Republic – A Path Towards Sustainable Conflict Transformation<div dir="ltr" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 6px;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"></div></div><span style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: left;"><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: black;"></span></a><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-decoration-line: none;"></a><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhmEzrPsvF3gdtm5OjgYVjOPoHpTuQr_vFgrPae8M9rwe0ae_PRjnXuAsmR0yUmHfH-SQJz8b6FIapENkky1FzdQr0HXIWf0UDhyqpM2meeoLJdD9V2HasVHXmdy36eZ7XoZWfDfBUSq7GkJFnv8WMctyOXFDdKdPye2ofFudwAr2hddfZi4o6WxZ-H2wvI/s594/WMBiS-Giorgi-Arziani-by-ElinaWexler-DSC03022-Edit-2.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="G Arziani" border="0" data-original-height="594" data-original-width="497" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhmEzrPsvF3gdtm5OjgYVjOPoHpTuQr_vFgrPae8M9rwe0ae_PRjnXuAsmR0yUmHfH-SQJz8b6FIapENkky1FzdQr0HXIWf0UDhyqpM2meeoLJdD9V2HasVHXmdy36eZ7XoZWfDfBUSq7GkJFnv8WMctyOXFDdKdPye2ofFudwAr2hddfZi4o6WxZ-H2wvI/w268-h320/WMBiS-Giorgi-Arziani-by-ElinaWexler-DSC03022-Edit-2.jpg" title="G Arziani" width="268" /></a></div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: black;">27.09.2023</span><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #336699; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-decoration-line: none;"> (Caucasian Journal</a><span style="font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;">)</span><span><span style="background-color: transparent;"><span style="line-height: 16.632px;"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b><i>Caucasian Journal </i>is open to publishing articles contributed by the experts from various fields. </b></span></div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b><br /></b></span></div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b>Our today's author is </b></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b>Giorgi ARZIANI, the founder of </b></span><b style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif;">Tbilisi School for Social Research, </b><b style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif;">an independent think-tank. </b></div><div style="text-align: left;"><b style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif;"><br /></b></div></div></div></div></div></span></div></span></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: left;">By Giorgi ARZIANI</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>Introduction</b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">This year marks 30 years since the de-facto occupation of Abkhazia. In this essay, I will address some of the most challenging issues of de-occupation, reintegration, and conflict transformation. I will put forward a proposal for a future electoral system of the Abkhazia Autonomous Republic, which might set a framework for the elections of the local Parliament in a post-occupation scenario. It is important to note that the proposal is based on the assumption that de-occupation and conflict transformation will be achieved through a peaceful negotiation process involving international stakeholders and local communities and will include the return of IDPs and refugees to Abkhazia and Tskhinvali region. Much, of course, will depend upon the outcome of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> <span><a name='more'></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Over the years, extensive discussions have taken place on peace-building topics. Many once lofty ideas have crumbled under the weight of Russia's wars of aggression. Nevertheless, despite a pressing need for a comprehensive vision for de-occupation and conflict transformation, research which presents future-oriented policy solutions has been limited.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">This article thus aims to stimulate discussions on the reunification of Georgia and provide new reference points for further research. It is hoped that it will be the first out of many new publications that will encourage dialogue among stakeholders and that it might help establish a new ground for negotiations vis-a-vis international actors, communities across the conflict divides and different political groups. It is also hoped that this article will shift public policy analytics from problem-identification, in which policy pundits have already excelled, towards the development of specific action plans with a greater emphasis on problem-solving.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>Current situation</b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">One of the possible explanations for the lack of new ideas is that under the current political arrangement, there is no clear owner of the policy-making process on issues of connected de-occupation, reintegration and conflict transformation. Currently, Georgia has numerous councils and public offices which are designed to deal fully or in part with these issues. To begin with, there is an office of the State Ministry of Georgia for Reconciliation and Civic Equality, which is in charge of coordinating and monitoring activities undertaken towards conflict resolution, generating new peace initiatives and reintegrating the conflict regions and their population with the rest of Georgia. Then, there is the Ministry of IDPs from the occupied territories, labour, health and Social Affairs of Georgia, which deals with the problems of IDPs and curates an important referral program that provides Abkhazians and South Ossetians with free healthcare. Third, there is a set of governmental agencies of the Government of Abkhazia in exile, which includes the apparatus of the head of the Government and 1) Ministry of Education and Culture, 2) Ministry of Health and Social Affairs, 3) Ministry of Finance and Economy, 4) Ministry of IDPs and Refugees, and 5) office of the Minister of Justice and Civil Integration issues; 6) as well as numerous governmental agencies. The Government of Abkhazia operates under the supervision of the Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic of Abkhazia in exile, which also wields a certain degree of legislative power. In addition to this list, there is a Provisional Administration of South Ossetia. Finally, there is a Temporary Parliamentary Commission on Restoration of Territorial Integrity and De-occupation, which, according to the charter, is responsible for the coordination of the relevant policy and parliamentary overhead. In addition to that, by the decision of the Prime Minister on June 23 2021, the Government of Georgia issued a decree on the creation of a "Government Commission to elaborate and implement the Georgian State Strategy for De-occupation and Peaceful Conflict Resolution" which was formed under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Such a long list of public bodies responsible entirely or in part for conflict resolution can result in difficulties with coordination and consistency, and hence, growing inertia and lost opportunities. From a legal perspective, the policy-making on conflict resolution is based on three significant documents: the Law of Georgia on Occupied Territories, 2008, and State Strategy on Occupied Regions "Engagement through Cooperation", 2010, and an important resolution of the Georgian Parliament, 2013, in which the commitment for peaceful resolution of the conflicts is asserted.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Given the current geopolitical shift and the success of previous peace-building initiatives (such as social and health programs), Georgia now has the opportunity to generate new and innovative solutions for long-standing issues. The policy-making process requires updating and further refinement. One of the keys to policy refinement is to encompass a broader range of pending problems since it is difficult to separate de-occupation and conflict transformation from, for instance, the issues such as restitution of property rights, state support for preserving and developing the Abkhaz language, safe return of IDPs to their homes, as well as economic, social and urban development plans (how else can a return thousands of IDPs to their homes be managed?) and the future democratic governance in Abkhazia and South Ossetia/Tskhinvali region.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Preparing policy concepts for peaceful and inclusive unification presents an opportunity for the Georgian Government to demonstrate its commitment to democratic principles and peaceful conflict resolution. One example of such policy concepts could be the development of a vision for a fair and transparent electoral system of reintegrated Abkhazia, which would address concerns about sudden changes in voter demographics (return of IDPs) and demonstrate a commitment to human rights and democratic principles as well. Such a proposal can provide a framework for negotiations on the restoration of territorial integrity vis-a-vis international stakeholders and local political groups, and promote trust and facilitate reconciliation. If developed well, such a plan would foster political stability and reduce regional tensions, creating a more peaceful and stable environment for resolving anticipated social and political conflicts. This is critical for achieving peace and stability in the region.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>Electoral system of Abkhazia Autonomous Republic as a challenge </b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">This article argues that a democratic and transparent electoral system would be crucial for a successful reconciliation in Abkhazia. Yet, this issue poses a considerable challenge due to the region's highly polarized multiethnic nature. The polarization in Abkhazia, however, is not a recent development. During the late Soviet period, nationalist sentiments rose as territorial-administrative centers vied for power with republican centers, utilizing Moscow's influence and engaging in ethnic entrepreneurship. This process culminated in the military conflict of 1992-1993 and ethnic cleansing of the Georgian population.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">According to the 1989 census, ethnic Abkhaz constituted 18% of the region's total population. However, despite a relative share in the total population, in 1990, eight out of twelve ministers of Soviet Abkhazia were Abkhaz, half of the first secretaries of the Communist party and eight out of fifteen representatives of Abkhazia ASSR in the Soviet Supreme Council were ethnic Abkhaz. During the Soviet period, local elites used nationalistic sentiments and Moscow's influence as political leverage, which was politically institutionalized through quotas. The restoration of Georgian independence could have ended these ethnic preferences and was therefore perceived as a threat. But, just months after the restoration of Georgian independence, the Georgian Government adopted a new electoral system in an effort to reduce polarization and ease ethnic Abkhaz's fears of losing political dominance. The new system included ethnic quotas that granted ethnic Abkhaz relative majority in the local Parliament. According to the electoral law, 28 seats (43%) were reserved for ethnic Abkhaz (who constituted 18% of the population), 26 seats (40%) for ethnic Georgians (who made up 46% of the total population), and 11 seats (17%) for representatives of other ethnic groups (who constituted 31.7% of the population). This was achieved through changes in the sizes and shapes of electoral districts. Fifty-four electoral districts were reserved for either ethnic Abkhaz or Georgian candidates. Only eleven districts were without such restrictions. The proposed system was an effort made by the Georgian Government to reduce polarization and establish an institutional framework for consensual decision-making, as none of the ethnic groups could have achieved an outright majority in the supreme council of Abkhazia. However, due to political mistakes, bad luck, and foreign influence, neither of the aims was accomplished.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The issue of the electoral system was pressing before the war in Abkhazia and will be even more pressing in the post-occupation period (especially in the light of ethnocratic policies which have been in place in Abkhazia). Discriminatory policies are reinforced as a political and cultural norm under the occupational regime as well. For instance, currently, only three out of 35 MPs in the de-facto Parliament of Abkhazia are not ethnic Abkhaz. Moreover, a local constitutional document explicitly reserves the presidential seat for an ethnic Abkhaz. Two thousand seventeen data showed that out of the 46,000 residents of the mostly Georgian-populated Gali district, there were only 603 registered voters. Substantive evidence shows that one of the most sensitive issues to Abkhaz elites is the issue of the return of Georgians who were forcefully expelled from Abkhazia. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>Existing Options </b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Therefore, what kind of democratic, open and non-discriminatory electoral system can be established in Abkhazia taking into account local socio-historical context? Below, some building blocks of the possible electoral system will be outlined. The proposed model was developed through a series of roundtable discussions and workshops with IDPs from Abkhazia, representatives of the communities across the conflict divides, civil society organizations and academia. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Firstly, it's crucial to evaluate the most apparent electoral alternatives. The initial two options worth considering are: (1) a fully proportional electoral system, similar to what will be used in the upcoming elections in the rest of Georgia (it is important to note that regional parties are not allowed in Georgia), and (2) adoption of a fully majoritarian electoral system, with an equal division of electoral districts. Both of these options have their advantages and disadvantages. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">There is a significant amount of literature which suggests that the proportional system is good for multiethnic regions. However, the experience of violent conflict could result in an opposite outcome. When communities experience violence during times of war, it has a profound impact on their social and political dynamics. One major effect is the reinforcement of ethnic identities, as individuals may feel a stronger sense of belonging and loyalty to their group in the face of external threats. This sense of identity can be further strengthened by the development of intra-ethnic cohesion, as members of the group come together to support and protect one another. However, this sense of cohesion often comes at the expense of trust towards individuals outside the ethnic group. As a result, people may be more likely to view those from other ethnic backgrounds with suspicion and even hostility. This increased distrust can also contribute to the politicization of ethnicity, as people turn to ethnic parties and ethnic voting patterns as the most attractive channels of representation. The impact of wartime violence on communities can have far-reaching consequences for their social and political structures, particularly regarding ethnic relations and identity. Nevertheless, a proportional system might be the best solution in the long run. However, its implementation will be contingent on a number of both internal and international factors.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">In the context of electoral systems, it is important to understand the implications of single (2.1) or multi-mandate (2.2) fully majoritarian systems. Such systems are likely to encourage ethnicity-based voting patterns within each electoral district, potentially fueling tensions rather than decreasing polarization. Overall, these electoral models would give structural advantages to the candidates of ethnic majorities in the respective electoral district. Consequently, in areas with distinct ethnic majorities, this could reinforce voting along ethnic lines. The system might inadvertently provide a platform for the majority's dominance, hence reinforcing rather than mitigating existing ethnic divides. This pattern could further escalate tensions among different ethnic groups, as the minority voices might feel sidelined in favour of the majority. Such a structure would, therefore, grant structural advantages to candidates from the ethnic majorities in the respective electoral districts. This could likely result in an ethnically-driven majority (or minority) representation in the local Parliament. This could result in a perceived or real marginalization of certain ethnic groups, potentially leading to increased grievances and discontent.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Soviet national policies, the effects of which can still be felt today, exacerbated the situation by structuring societies around their ethnic affiliations. These policies led to the institutionalized overrepresentation of the ethnic Abkhaz in positions of power, disproportionate to their population share. The 1991 electoral system was specifically designed to suit this existing political context and is one of the potential options (3) for future electoral arrangements as well. However, the feasibility of returning to the pre-war arrangements is uncertain. The 1991 system has faced criticism from various ethnic groups and may be viewed as a loss, even from an Abkhaz nationalistic perspective. Nevertheless, ensuring ethnically diverse representation and reducing grievances is key to successful reconciliation. How can we manage this?</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Another possible approach would be to consider (4) implanting ethnic quotas in party lists. With the transition to a fully proportional electoral system in Georgia (where regional parties are prohibited), every party will be required to include ethnic Abkhaz in their party list in order to participate in local parliamentary elections. This approach could encourage the integration of ethnic Abkhaz within the existing political party system in Georgia. However, Abkhaz politicians may be hesitant to join parties that operate across the whole of Georgia. In addition, setting quotas for ethnic Abkhaz will have to be coupled with gender quotas. Potential quotas for other ethnic groups should then also be considered. Quota systems have their limitations and, if implemented without careful consideration, could result in an overly complex and potentially corruptible system. For instance, one of such risks is tokenism; political parties may only include or promote members of ethnic Abkhaz origin to create an appearance of inclusivity without, in fact, providing meaningful opportunities for selected individuals to have a genuine impact or influence within the party. All these risks are compounded by the lack of a long and established tradition of a party system in Georgia.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>The Problem of Political Essentialism </b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The list of possible arrangements which can ensure certain ethnic balance in representation through quotas or gerrymandering can be extended, and it is important to address the ideology that underpins the use of ethnic quotas, which is Political Essentialism. It views political systems, institutions, and practices as fixed and unchanging and considers individuals as passive agents in the political process, defined solely by their group identity. Political essentialism asserts that group membership and characteristics are the primary determinants of political behaviour and that individuals cannot be separated from the group to which they belong.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">While ethnic quotas are intended to address the need for greater representation of minority groups, in practice, they can be problematic as they tend to oversimplify complex reality. It not only ignores individual differences and diversity within groups but also perpetuates ethnic stereotypes. Political essentialism, in fact, can also lead to political polarization and escalate conflicts, as different groups are seen as having fundamentally different interests and goals. This was particularly evident during the conflicts in the 1990s. Moreover, rather than promoting a society based on civil equality, political essentialism perpetuates ethnic division by emphasizing group differences. In politics, it promotes ethnic entrepreneurship, which can lead to the monopolization of experiences, narratives, and history. Given the local socio-historical context, the above-mentioned electoral systems will most likely lock the electoral process in ethnic voting patterns. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Last but not least the experience of quota-based power-sharing agreements and mandatory coalitions often results in enforced ethnic segregation, rigid identity politics, the exclusion of other ethnic minorities and those who do not fit neatly into the defined ethnic categories, and political stagnation. All these risks could potentially apply to Abkhazia in a post-occupation scenario.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>Thinking out of the box: A Proposal for the Future Electoral System in Abkhazia</b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Disregarding political essentialism in Abkhazia may not be advisable, even though it is unlikely to result in the most favourable outcomes. But how can these challenges be addressed? </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">What if, instead of implementing ethnic quotas in the existing and future electoral laws, we can amend election rules in such a way that can dilute the importance of ethnicity in elections and make political competition more transparent and open? Indirect safeguards could be put in place to prevent the creation of an ethnicity-driven majority/minority in the local Parliament rather than directly mandating certain ethnic proportions. A healthy and guaranteed turnover in the composition of MPs can be a part of the solution. This, after all, is what democracy should be about. The electoral system which is proposed hereto is an attempt to move in this direction; and it is not defined by political essentialism, but informed by it. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The proposed electoral system aims to promote greater participation in political processes for all ethnic groups in every part of post-occupation Abkhazia. It also provides incentives for independents to run as candidates. The system can potentially reduce the influence of ethnic voting patterns on electoral outcomes. It should be noted that the proposed system can come in slightly different models, and certain assumptions have to be made to narrow the description and contextualize the proposal. The assumptions are the following: firstly, it is assumed that the restoration of the territorial integrity of Georgia and the return of internally displaced persons to their homes is a matter of foreseeable future. Secondly, the discussion of the political status of future Abkhazia lies beyond the scope of this article, as the current legal status of an autonomous republic within Georgia provides sufficient protection for political and cultural rights. Thirdly, it is advised that the proposed electoral system will be complemented by promoting the representation of diverse groups in other branches of power at both local and central levels. Fourthly, it is assumed that the proposed electoral system is accompanied by fiscal decentralization and the establishment of a robust self-governance system in all municipalities. This approach aims to delegate the responsibility of managing many 'city' issues and other local affairs (social, economic, cultural, and urban, to name the least) to the local level. As a result, parliamentary attention can be redirected towards matters of greater significance. Finally, it is presumed that there will be six electoral districts, each corresponding to one of the six regions of Abkhazia: Gagra, Gudauta, Sokhumi, Guliripshi, Ochamchire, and Gali (for this article, we will not be addressing the de-facto separation of Tkvarcheli into a separate territorial-administrative entity). </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The proposed system is arranged as follows: Each electoral district selects five representatives to the local Parliament. The selection is conducted with a hybrid of standard election process and sortition, a mechanism of selecting members of a public office by lot. Sortition, also known as random selection, is a democratic process of selecting individuals for public office or decision-making positions through a lottery. This method ensures that all members of a society have an equal chance of being chosen and can, therefore, participate in the democratic process. Sortition has been used throughout history in various forms of democracy. Ancient Athens, for example, used sortition to select officials for public service, including jurors, legislators, and executive officials. This method ensured that public office was open to all citizens, not just the wealthy or powerful. In medieval Venice, the Great Council used sortition to select its members, which allowed for broad representation and reduced the influence of wealthy families. More recently, sortition has been used in contemporary democratic experiments, such as the Icelandic Constitutional Assembly, which used a randomly selected group of citizens to draft a new constitution. Sortition has also been used in citizen assemblies in various countries, including Canada, Ireland, and the United Kingdom. The importance of sortition lies in its ability to prevent corruption, favouritism, and elitism, as it removes the influence of money, power, or other forms of influence on the selection process. Additionally, it promotes diversity and representation, as individuals from different backgrounds and perspectives are more likely to be selected.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Sortition is gaining popularity in modern democracies. Its importance lies in its ability to increase democratic participation; sortition has been proposed as a way to address issues of political polarization and gridlock and to improve the legitimacy of public decision-making processes. It helps to ensure that those who are chosen for public office are genuinely representative of the population and not just benefit from other structural factors of the society. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">According to our proposal, citizens elect district representatives through a combination of vote ranking and random selection from qualifying candidates. All candidates compete in the district election race. The candidates with the highest and second-highest vote counts are automatically selected as representatives for their district. All remaining candidates must achieve a vote count equivalent to or greater than 5% of the total votes cast in their district. The pool of qualifying candidates excludes candidates with the highest and second-highest votes. Three additional representatives are selected via a lottery system from the pool of qualifying candidates. Following the process, each district will be represented by five individuals.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>Let's incorporate the given information into the formal model:</b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">D: Total number of Districts (fixed at 6 in this case)</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">C: Total number of Candidates in a given district</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">R: Number of Representatives per district (fixed at 5 in this case)</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">T: Total number of votes cast in a given district</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">V[i]: Votes received by the i-th candidate (where i ranges from 1 to C)</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Th: Threshold for qualifying candidates (fixed at 5% of T in this case)</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">W: Winners selected automatically based on votes (fixed at 2 in this case)</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">L: Additional representatives selected via lottery (fixed at 3 in this case)</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The formal model for this electoral system then becomes:</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> For each of the districts (D = 6):</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">All candidates in the district (C) compete in the election.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Count votes for each candidate (V[i]) from the total votes cast (T).</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> For each of the districts (D = 6):</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Identify the two candidates with the highest votes (V[i] and V[j]). These candidates are automatically selected as district representatives.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> For each of the districts (D = 6):</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Exclude the two winners (V[i] and V[j]) from the pool of candidates.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Identify all remaining candidates who meet the threshold (V[k] >= 0.05*T). These candidates are added to the qualifying pool.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> For each of the districts (D = 6):</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Select three additional representatives (L) randomly from the qualifying pool.</div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The outcome of this process is that each of the districts (D = 6) will be represented by five individuals (R), comprising two winners based on the highest vote counts (W) and three randomly selected individuals from the qualifying pool (L). This system also includes several extensions, such as an integrated rotation principle and a provision for recalling an MP, which are discussed below. It's also worth noting that this system can be calibrated according to numerous factors and objectives. This issue will be briefly discussed in the conclusion.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">To understand the logic behind such an arrangement, we should first analyze the demographic history and future projections. According to the 1989 census, Georgians constituted 46% of the overall population, with a majority presence in only two districts. Abkhazia also houses a significant number of ethnic Armenians, Russians, and other ethnic groups, reflecting a diversity that permeates the region. The return of Georgian internally displaced persons (IDPs) will further augment this diversity. The proposed electoral system aims to prevent the formation of clear majorities or minorities through ethnic voting patterns, which can lead to grievances and polarization. This is also important because an ethnic majority in one electoral district can be an ethnic minority in another and vice versa. Unlike other electoral systems, the proposed system promotes diverse ethnic representation in each electoral district while, at the same time, it minimizes the direct influence of ethnic distribution across the districts. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">This is achieved via the incorporation of a sortition mechanism. Once candidates surpass an electoral threshold in each district, they become eligible for selection as representatives of their district through sortition. This arrangement not only provides equal opportunities for all candidates regardless of their ethnicity but also encourages voting decisions to be made based on factors beyond ethnicity.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">As mentioned, the proposed electoral system is informed by political essentialism but not bound by it. The complexity of individual identities makes it difficult to translate them into ethnic quotas. Is ethnicity a matter of kind or quantity? For example, how would a mixed heritage family member be counted in quotas-based systems? (This will be particularly difficult in the region where even the same surnames are disputed as markers of different ethnicities). The proposed system incorporates majority rule, a characteristic of any democratic governance, while also providing real and equal opportunities for all minority groups that pass the electoral threshold. These groups could be based on various principles such as ethnicity, political affiliation, social class, cultural preferences, gender, and other factors, giving them a fair chance in local parliamentary elections. This approach dilutes the importance of solely ethnicity-based voting patterns and incorporates other dimensions in voting decision-making as well. It is believed that sortition can help reduce political gridlocks and promote compromise and collaboration. This system has the potential to foster greater cooperation and inclusivity, resulting in a diverse representation and effective political system.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The proposed system also differs from proportional or other electoral systems that rely heavily on party affiliation. This has certain practical advantages. In the local context, where there are no long-standing party traditions, parties are often formed around personalities. However, instead of creating public value and other advantages, they tend to serve the interests of their founders, who block both internal competition as well as make it much more difficult for independents to participate in elections. In our proposed model, however, a candidate can still be a party member, but the system does not revolve around political parties. The chances of the candidate will depend more on personal reputation. This, we believe, would be beneficial for reconciliation, as it would reduce the risk of importing to Abkhazia fierce party competition from the rest of Georgia. Especially in retrospect, this kind of risk appears to be a menacing one. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Another important component of the proposed electoral system is the built-in mechanism of rotation, which prohibits candidates selected through sortition from participating in two sortition procedures in a row. After careful consideration, it was agreed that no exception to this principle is made, even for the cases of snap elections. This mechanism aims to ensure that candidates who are unable to secure first and second places but are continuously passing the electoral threshold would have an improved opportunity to be selected in subsequent rounds of sortition, provided all other factors are equal. This aspect is one of the system's primary strengths, as it emphasizes equality and offers genuine prospects for political influence. Successful candidates can use their luck for better or worse - they can either build upon it or, on the other hand, lose their reputation. Candidates selected by lot can use their luck to test their political agendas against the realities of the political process and either adapt and refine them or make others change their minds. The luck of being selected by sortition can also help them to build political clout for the next elections and have a better chance of competing for the first two places. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">In this proposed system, the society has the opportunity to learn from its experiences and accumulate knowledge, which is more likely due to the system's dynamic nature that guarantees a turnover in the composition of Parliament through sortition. This, in turn, reduces the likelihood of irreversible bad decisions or unlucky selections by a lot. In Georgia, the tradition of democratic transition of power is nearly nonexistent, and there has been no experience with coalition government. However, the proposed system represents a significant step in this direction and bolsters the chances for effective democracy. Over time, any missteps will be transformed into resilience and important political experience. Additionally, since the proposed system lowers the barriers to political competition, it reduces the risks of radicalization and other grievances of political 'outsiderism'.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Our proposal also includes additional safeguards to address immediate risks associated with sortition, which is the institute of the recall of the deputy, i.e. removal from an office by the electorate before the termination of their term. This procedure can be initiated if a political actor chosen by lot attempts to undermine or abolish the free democratic basic order or endangers the existence of the Georgian State. The recall of the deputy can be accomplished through a referendum, which can be initiated by the voters of the district and confirmed by the president of Georgia or the local Parliament. This suggestion carries some risks, so additional safeguards should be incorporated into the recall procedure; however, a detailed analysis of these is beyond the scope of this article. Our approach ensures that MPs chosen by lot are not immediately attacked by their political rivals with a recall procedure and also mitigates the risk of political opportunism. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>Selection of the Speaker of the Local Parliament</b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">In the proposed model, the issue of selecting a Speaker of the Parliament has also been given due consideration. With the election of 30 MPs from 6 electoral districts, there is a possibility of tie votes on certain issues, leading to a deadlock. To address this issue, it is proposed that the President of Georgia nominate a candidate for the position of Speaker of the Parliament from among its members. This nomination then undergoes a parliamentary vote for approval. If the candidate is chosen as a Speaker, their initial seat would become vacant and be filled by the next candidate in line, either based on the number of votes received or through another sortition process, depending on the method initially used for selection. According to the proposal, the Speaker of the Parliament is meant to be non-partisan as his role is supposed to be primarily one of procedural and administrative management; however, in the case of a tied vote, in exceptional cases, the Speaker of the Parliament may use a casting vote to break a tie. It is worth noting that the possibility of nominating a candidate from outside the pool of MPs, effectively as an additional member, has also been discussed by either enlarging the pool of possible candidates to all who were able to pass a minimal electoral threshold or even further. However, after careful consideration, it was agreed that the integrity of the local Parliament is best upheld when the Speaker is elected from the pool of MPs. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The rationale behind the decision to appoint the Speaker of the Parliament of the Autonomous Republic of Abkhazia via the presidential nomination, subject to approval by the local Parliament, is the promotion of reintegration of the political system of Abkhazia with the rest of Georgia. In the proposed model, the selection of the Speaker is critical since the appointment of the Government hinges on it: unless the Speaker is voted in, the Government cannot be confirmed. In such a scenario, the President of Georgia will have the right to dissolve the Parliament and call for snap elections. This will give a president leverage and create a ground for political deal-making between the president of Georgia and the local MPs, 3/5 of which were selected by lot, will risk their chances of being selected to the Parliament once again and, therefore, will probably be more ready to compromise on deadlocks such as this, and cooperate with the central Government. This overall will promote the integration of the politicians of Abkhazia into the political life of the rest of Georgia. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>Conclusion and prospects for further research</b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">As it was rightly said: "Good government requires a healthy stream of good ideas…" in a crisis, the actions that are taken depend on the ideas that are lying around. This essay briefly analyses the challenges of producing innovative policy solutions related to de-occupation, reintegration, and conflict transformation. The socio-historical context is discussed, and the essay focuses on one of the most important issues of future reconciliation: establishing a fair electoral system in the region with a highly polarized multiethnic population. Existing alternatives are briefly evaluated, as well as the limitations posed by the philosophy of political essentialism, which underpins the quotas-based solutions. The proposed system is an attempt to move in the direction of a more fair and transparent electoral system. This proposition includes several key components, such as multi-mandate electoral districts, integration of sortition mechanisms in the elections, a minimal electoral threshold of 5%, a rotation principle for candidates selected by lot, the possibility to recall MPs and the appointment procedure of the Local Parliament Speaker. These components are designed to create a stable electoral system that provides a basis for inclusive elections and reconciliation and may help dilute the importance of ethnic distribution across the territorial administrative districts and of ethnicity-based voting patterns. It is believed that this system, under certain political and socio-historic contexts, can promote reconciliation and reintegration of Abkhazia with the rest of Georgia.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"> </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The pillars of the proposed electoral system can be modified and/or imported by other self-governing institutions such as, for instance, student unions or professional associations. A combination of standard elections and sortition, the proposed model aims to lower barriers and encourage new leaders and new ideas to emerge. It is believed to be one of the best options which can guarantee versatile ethnic representation without locking the electoral competition to just ethnicity-driven voting patterns. However, each component of the proposed system requires further research. The challenge associated with such research is that it should focus on the specifics of each possible model while also being conducted holistically. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Furthermore, there is a need to conduct probabilistic simulations based on existing and projected data to assess all existing electoral models. The proposed electoral system has an additional advantage, as it is designed to fit within Georgia's existing legal framework. It is relatively simple and transparent, which can make it more appealing to voters. However, overall, it is a theoretical proposition which aims to stimulate public discussions and further research. This idea needs to be tested in experiments (which could, for instance, be conducted at universities) to identify any potential hidden risks of the model and calibrate it. For example, the proposed arrangement could be amended in such a way that there will be three MPs elected by multi-mandate majoritarian electoral procedure and only two selected via sortition, or any other component could be adjusted. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The aim would be to minimize the drawbacks and maximize the advantages. Ultimately, such a decision will require an in-depth analysis of local political culture, likely necessitating a decisive vote in a figurative philosophical debate between Thomas Hobbes and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. It is important to keep in mind that the proposed system is not a cure-all for the shortcomings of democracy, nor are any other systems. The value of any system lies in its ability to promote healthy political competition, reduce tensions, and foster collaboration and reconciliation.</div></div></div><div dir="ltr" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div><a href="http://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="clear: right; color: #336699; float: right; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em; text-decoration-line: none;"><img border="0" height="20" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgMNzdlRhJ0kGUbW_szml-FL3DWRne16sJXkFH5I5Xa7C5AGJdd7TiUz_9ltIU7wPE1eSJsZYHksLj4udjpGDeNcy03xmcY6xQvsQUeC_qSseKt0sZ6xsrzGWgg6jY_9YlP7Iob7VlMlMeC/s200/favicon.jpg" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: none; box-shadow: transparent 0px 0px 0px; 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</div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-10902289800809979442023-08-29T15:39:00.008+04:002023-08-30T00:25:22.691+04:00Ran BERGER: "The warm welcome in Georgia is not something we take for granted"<div><div dir="ltr" trbidi="on"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div dir="ltr" trbidi="on"><div style="background-color: #154c79; padding: 10px;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="color: white;">▶</span><i style="color: #01ffff;"> </i></span><span style="color: #01ffff; font-family: verdana;"><i>How easy is it to work globally from South Caucasus?</i><i><b> </b></i></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjs83EH3oaJ2rT8cemkXuTPIaDVS2PX4i84r7N_XlcjOcm9MxxDNJZBuphWJAz69QuhoWLxQrqCpjDsSUv_otdKYPP4XUHU1zWD_L9vXD1uISDCX3wK3CsXlGmNjpdmYixw4tG-R8g9hfBasKTu_k4BuUr6hoNwvdCUpZmH_r1V-F79Pib2tv-3E8L52v8v/s303/IT.png" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><img alt="Focus on IT" border="0" data-original-height="73" data-original-width="303" height="47" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjs83EH3oaJ2rT8cemkXuTPIaDVS2PX4i84r7N_XlcjOcm9MxxDNJZBuphWJAz69QuhoWLxQrqCpjDsSUv_otdKYPP4XUHU1zWD_L9vXD1uISDCX3wK3CsXlGmNjpdmYixw4tG-R8g9hfBasKTu_k4BuUr6hoNwvdCUpZmH_r1V-F79Pib2tv-3E8L52v8v/w195-h47/IT.png" title="Focus on IT" width="195" /></a></div><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="color: white;">▶</span><span style="color: #01ffff;"> </span></span><span style="color: #01ffff; font-family: verdana; text-align: left;"><i>How big is Georgia's potential in hi tech?</i></span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span><b><span style="color: #01ffff;">Focus on IT</span></b><span style="color: white;"> is t</span></span><span style="color: white;">he </span><i style="color: white;">Caucasian Journal's </i><span style="color: white;">new interview series which we're starting today. </span></span><span style="color: white; font-family: verdana;">We reach out to the top executives of IT companies which are based, present, or relocated in Georgia, to hear their first-hand comments and experiences. </span></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: verdana;"><span style="font-family: arial;"><span style="color: #01ffff;">▶</span><i style="color: #01ffff;"> </i></span><span style="color: white;">Got something to say? Leave a comment or email us to become our </span><b style="color: white;">next speaker!</b><br /></span></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div><div><br /></div></div></div><div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div dir="ltr" trbidi="on"><div style="background-color: #b7d2f0; padding: 10px;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg6ZSJgE9IzeAToNvu6g6mQKMoe9gNEjn0BFmKkxx8oKSGN-rNoOvm9DOe1rT3iJn8uKHynNl0ygJK7HLUngucy8zg4VlQzZEVtoeLPAgD_XxtRqfCAN7GVwcbC64kxegFZoBUvk2jgJ-ycFWwVF5NsimJMcd5QSxCppO1TLrNgPrmrOyiadiSSfq7uDf8z/s350/RGB2021.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="Ran Berger" border="0" data-original-height="350" data-original-width="308" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg6ZSJgE9IzeAToNvu6g6mQKMoe9gNEjn0BFmKkxx8oKSGN-rNoOvm9DOe1rT3iJn8uKHynNl0ygJK7HLUngucy8zg4VlQzZEVtoeLPAgD_XxtRqfCAN7GVwcbC64kxegFZoBUvk2jgJ-ycFWwVF5NsimJMcd5QSxCppO1TLrNgPrmrOyiadiSSfq7uDf8z/w282-h320/RGB2021.jpg" title="Ran Berger" width="282" /></a></div></div><span>29.08.2023 (</span><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/">Caucasian Journal</a><span>). </span><span><span style="color: #444444;"><b>
Georgia's revenues from IT services are booming and even seem to exceed the wine export revenues – the country’s traditional income resource. However, compared to many other countries, the progress of Georgia’s IT sector is still modest. What is needed to make Georgia more competitive and attractive to serious investors? What are the advantages and pitfalls of working globally from Georgia? <br /></b><p class="MsoNormal"><b><i>Caucasian Journal </i>decided to learn directly from the decision-makers with hands-on experience in this country. Today we are grateful to Ran BERGER, co-founder and CEO at <a href="https://flatrocktech.com/">Flat Rock Technology</a> (Great Britain) for answering our questions. </b></p></span></span></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div><div><i><b><br /></b></i></div><div><i><b>Alexander KAFFKA, editor-in-chief of CJ: </b></i><span style="font-style: italic;">Dear Ran, welcome to Caucasian Journal! You seem like a “classical” founder of a software company, which you have been developing during 15 years from a scratch to a strong 400+ employees team scattered over several countries. Can we start with a bit more information about yourself and your company?</span></div><div><span style="font-style: italic;"><br /></span></div><div><div><b>Ran BERGER: </b>Dear Alexander, thank you for the opportunity to share my experience and our Georgia journey with you and with the <i>Caucasian Journal's</i> readers. I started my career in IT as a young engineer in 1999 and I built my experience since then. My main journey was with large scale organizational systems such as ERP, CRM and BI [respectively: Enterprise resource planning, Customer relationship management, Business intelligence - <i>CJ</i>] which allowed me to understand how the main business functions and processes work, and how various systems can optimize them. During the early stages of my career I saw how the internet is changing our lives and businesses, allowing us to rapidly scale and integrate with other partners in the value chain. </div><div><br /></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><div>As part of my career, I was offered a relocation to London, UK, and there after few years I opened Flat Rock Technology. My vision for Flat Rock Technology was to bring my CEE and IT experience to offer business with software and web development services from top talent teams in East European countries. Fast forward to nowadays, we are serving a growing client base from our offices in Bulgaria, Georgia and Hungary, and I am confident that we will soon introduce new locations.</div><div style="font-style: italic;"><div><div><div style="font-style: normal;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; font-style: italic;"><br /></div><div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">The new AI trends will release our skilled people, in the future, from some of the basic tasks and will allow them to focus on where they can add value.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div style="font-style: italic;"><br /></div><div style="font-style: italic;"><b>AK: </b>Georgia is not (yet) the most obvious destination as a global IT hub, and was even less so several years ago. But forward-looking businesspeople like yourself have chosen this country and preferred it to other locations. Can you tell us that story - how did it happen?</div><div style="font-style: italic;"><br /></div><div><b>RB:</b> I am a process driven individual, so when we choose a new location we usually perform evaluation that includes more than 200 parameters such as access to talent, education level, development of the local IT community, labour law, tax regime, political and economic situation, transportation, ease of doing business, potential resistance from our clients and many more.</div><div><br /></div><div>Before we opened our Tbilisi office, we have performed our evaluation and we also met with local law, finance and recruitment firms and then number of detailed visits. At the end of the process I was convinced that this was the right location for us to expand, and we had moved forward. </div><div style="font-style: italic;"><br /></div><div style="font-style: italic;"><b>AK: </b> How smooth was your Georgian experience, since you had decided to go ahead to add it to your network? Did you encounter any technical or bureaucratic problems, or other “underwater rocks” on your way, and what were they like?</div><div style="font-style: italic;"><br /></div><div><b>RB:</b> Our experience was as complex as you’d expect. When you start in any new country, and Georgia is not different, you have to learn the people, culture, processes and requirements. We have had to deal with all the bureaucracies like any other company, and for me this is a critical experience in getting some initial understanding of how the market works and what the company admin management entails. </div><div style="font-style: italic;"><div><div style="font-style: normal;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; font-style: italic;"><br /></div><div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;"> I am sure that the demand for talent and competition for each skilled IT professional will only grow in the next few years.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div><br /></div><div><b>AK: </b>Your personnel in Georgia – how easy was it to find and hire qualified staff here? Do you observe any specifics with the local professionals?</div></div><div style="font-style: italic;"><br /></div><div><b>RB:</b> Recruiting and top talent have been a global challenge to all companies and in most countries in the last 7-8 years and had its peak during COVID era. We see ups and downs by country and skill and we then try to balance it with our multi-locations strategy. In the last 15 months due to the global economics and other macro events such as the war in Ukraine, we can see different trends, but I am sure that the demand for talent and competition for each skilled IT professional will only grow in the next few years. I think that it is our role as business leaders together with the academy leaders to develop the most appropriate education programs to train and develop more IT professionals. I also think that the new AI trends will release our skilled people, in the future, from some of the basic tasks and will allow them to focus on where they can add value and to use the new technologies and solutions as hybrid with the irreplaceable human brain in scaling up. </div><div style="font-style: italic;"><br /></div><div style="font-style: italic;"><b>AK: </b> By the way, if you think that something in the educational system in Georgia must be improved – to make our future IT specialists more competitive and equal to the global challenges, please share. There are many education professionals among our readers, who would highly appreciate your opinion. </div><div style="font-style: italic;"><br /></div><div><b>RB:</b> I would like to see the educational systems getting closer to the industry itself and creating up-to-date programs that will combine theoretical education with hands-on experience. </div><div><br /></div><div>We should also think about the layers of the industry and see how we develop the talent “supply” to meet the demand. For example, the need to develop software engineers as well as coders and DevOps [software development (dev) and operations (ops) - <i>CJ</i>]<i> </i>skills which all require different competencies. The education systems must see themselves as integral part of the IT eco systems, and their success should be considered in relation to their outcome in the level of capabilities that they release to the market at the ends of their education process.</div><div style="font-style: italic;"><div style="font-style: normal;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; font-style: italic;"><br /></div><div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;"> AI is a muscle that each one of us need to train and know how to use from very early stage.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div style="font-style: italic;"><br /></div><div style="font-style: italic;"><b>AK: </b> Speaking about the global challenges, what’s your view on the future of IT in your field, and how is your vision reflected in Flat Rock’s strategy?</div><div style="font-style: italic;"><br /></div><div><b>RB: </b>It is very trendy to think that AI will replace people. I tend to think that AI is a muscle that each one of us need to train and know how to use from very early stages and that AI will not replace us if we can add value. In Flat Rock we are continuously trying AI and other automation tools, and I am sure that we will not be behind the trends. My personal view is that we all need to adopt a new style of learning which I describe as a continued micro learning. This means that no matter what stage of career we are, we always must learn new skills and some of them will be very small. This is the way to keep our brain flexing and keep up with the fast moving changes. </div><div style="font-style: italic;"><br /></div><div style="font-style: italic;"><b>AK: </b> What are your and your company’s achievements that you are especially proud of? And, by the way, what’s behind its name “Flat Rock”?</div><div style="font-style: italic;"><br /></div><div><b>RB: </b>I am always proud for our people and those that stay with us for many years. I have always thought that at Flat Rock we need to develop long-term relations with our stakeholders such as employees, clients and suppliers. I am always very pleased to see that we are able to collaborate as a team from different locations, and when I see that we deliver a project for a client from the US with a project manager in the UK, some team members in Georgia and some in Bulgaria or Hungary, it makes me feel proud. </div><div><br /></div><div>The company name came as inspiration from a book called “The World is Flat” by Thomas Friedman from 2005. The book describes how the internet will enable the “global village” of trade, collaboration, employment, knowledge sharing etc. In 2008, when we founded Flat Rock Technology, we thought that our approach and vision was very much aligned with what the book describes. </div><div style="font-style: italic;"><div style="font-style: normal;"><br /></div><div><div style="font-style: normal;"><div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;"> I will refuse any business opportunity if I think that it is not aligned with my core values.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div><br /></div><div><b>AK:</b> Our world is changing fast, and the IT’s role is even more tightly interconnected with security – not just cybersecurity but military security as well… AI might be fueling up the fake news… And this is all across a real-time war happening in Europe, with sanctions and counter-sanctions, war-triggered relocation of IT specialists and whole teams… What’s your opinion about responsibility of the IT industries and IT talents during such turbulent periods?</div></div><div style="font-style: italic;"><br /></div><div><b>RB:</b> As IT professionals we should stick to our core values and make sure that we understand trends, risks and opportunities and use our skills and tools in a good way to achieve a positive outcome. I personally believe in doing good, and as business leader I will only trade with other businesses and people that shares these values. I will refuse any business opportunity if I think that it is not aligned with my core values. </div><div style="font-style: italic;"><br /></div><div style="font-style: italic;"><b>AK:</b> Getting back to Georgia, what can be done to make it more competitive and attractive to global companies and foreign investors? Why, in your opinion, is it lagging behind such IT leader models as, for example, Estonia with its records number of unicorns per capita? </div><div style="font-style: italic;"><br /></div><div><b>RB:</b> for the IT industry to grow and develop it needs a good balance between service companies (like Flat Rock Technology) and products companies that take new ideas and vision from Georgia to make a global impact. The way to achieve it is a long process that includes a wider strategy and strong eco system that will include early stage incubators, venture capital and private equity involvement, government incentives, and the most important is local leaders to take the risk and break through. Georgia has the people and potential and I think that with the exposure to what we see in other places, this should happen very soon, and it will be very exciting times. </div><div style="font-style: italic;"><br /></div><div style="font-style: italic;"><b>AK:</b> If there is anything that you would like to add for our readers, the floor is yours.</div><div style="font-style: italic;"><br /></div><div><b>RB:</b> It is a good opportunity to say <i>thank you</i> to Georgia and Georgians. The warm welcome I get as a person and that we get as a business is not something we take for granted. I hope that with my experience I can assist. I am very fortunate to have the opportunity to see the Georgian IT sector changing in the last few years and I’m very excited to be a small part of it. </div><div style="font-style: italic;"><br /></div><div style="font-style: italic;"><b>AK: </b>Thank you very much!</div></div></div><div><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="20" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgMNzdlRhJ0kGUbW_szml-FL3DWRne16sJXkFH5I5Xa7C5AGJdd7TiUz_9ltIU7wPE1eSJsZYHksLj4udjpGDeNcy03xmcY6xQvsQUeC_qSseKt0sZ6xsrzGWgg6jY_9YlP7Iob7VlMlMeC/s200/favicon.jpg" style="background-attachment: scroll; background-clip: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; background-position: 0% 0%; background-repeat: repeat; background-size: initial; border: medium none; box-shadow: transparent 0px 0px 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative;" width="20" /></a><div><br /></div></div><div style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: line-height: 16.632px; margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: left;">
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<!--End mc_embed_signup--></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-81684891461038797412023-08-23T12:45:00.008+04:002023-08-26T22:10:54.757+04:00Ruben VARDANYAN: "When you are in blockade it is really important to be unified" (video)<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 6px;"><div style="padding: 5px;"><span style="color: #333333;"><span style="font-size: 11.88px;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i.gyazo.com/bb80a743d47c77b2e972c3fd4f2add7e.jpg" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="473" data-original-width="800" height="118" src="https://i.gyazo.com/bb80a743d47c77b2e972c3fd4f2add7e.jpg" title="R. Vardanyan" width="200" /></a></div></div></div>23.08.2023 <span style="font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;">(</span></span></span><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #336699; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; text-decoration-line: none;">Caucasian Journal</a><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.88px;">). </span></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><span><b style="font-size: 11.88px;">Our today's interview is focusing on blockade of the Republic of Artsakh - an ongoing event in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, which left 120,000 people in the region without access to food, medicine and critical supplies.</b></span></span></div><div style="padding: 5px;"><div style="padding: 5px;"><b style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px;">We are sharing the interview with Ruben VARDANYAN, the Armenian politician who served as the State Minister of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) in 2022-2023, also known as a businessman and philanthropist. </b></div></div></div></div><div><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.88px;"><i><br /></i></span></span></div><div><span style="background-color: transparent;">The region of Artsakh (also known as Nagorno-Karabakh) is disputed between Azerbaijan and the breakaway Republic of Artsakh, which has a majority ethnic Armenian population and is supported by neighboring Armenia. </span></div><div><span style="background-color: transparent;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="background-color: transparent;">The eight-month blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh, started on </span>12 December 2022,<span> has led to grave consequences as no supplies can come through. </span>The first case of death from starvation was recorded in Artsakh earlier this month, according to the Office of the Human Rights Defender in the region. K. Hovhannisyan, a 40-year-old resident of Stepanakert, died as a result of chronic malnutrition and protein deficiency, states a report conducted by the human rights office.</div><div><span style="background-color: transparent;"><br /></span></div><div><span>To be the first to view all our exclusive video interviews, subscribe </span><b><a href="https://www.youtube.com/c/CaucasianJournal">here</a></b><span> to our </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/c/CaucasianJournal">YouTube Channel</a><span>.</span></div></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/t45YV--NbtI" width="560"></iframe></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br /></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><br /></div><div><div style="text-align: left;"><div><div dir="ltr" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: line-height: 16.632px; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; text-align: center;"><p style="line-height: 24px; text-align: left;"><b style="line-height: 16.632px; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #3d85c6; font-family: inherit;">You are welcome to follow <i>Caucasian Journal</i> at:</span></b></p></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; text-align: center;"><p style="line-height: 17.82px; text-align: left;"><span face=""arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif"><a href="https://news.google.com/publications/CAAqBwgKMMjElwsw_-2uAw?hl=en-US&gl=US&ceid=US%3Aen&fbclid=IwAR0auZLYbT-qLZOZbVAeQw609AtjCQ2fwY8ntHfRSvpcj2I1wGEkJMly9y0"><b>Google News</b></a> * <b><a href="https://twitter.com/CaucasianJourna">Twitter</a></b> * <b><a href="https://www.facebook.com/CaucasianJournal.org/">Facebook</a></b> * <b><a href="https://caucasian-journal.medium.com/">Medium</a></b> * <b><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/company/caucasian-journal/">LinkedIn</a></b> * <b><a href="https://www.youtube.com/c/CaucasianJournal">YouTube</a></b> * <b><a href="http://caucasianjournal.blogspot.com/feeds/posts/default?alt=rss">RSS</a></b></span></p></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div id="mc_embed_signup0"><form action="https://caucasianjournal.us19.list-manage.com/subscribe/post?u=40af9cbc852a70e11bc5f14af&id=b49951f0c3" class="validate" id="mc-embedded-subscribe-form0" method="post" name="mc-embedded-subscribe-form0" novalidate="" target="_blank"><div id="mc_embed_signup_scroll0"><p style="text-align: left;"><b><span style="color: #3d85c6; font-family: inherit;">To request an email subscription to <i>Caucasian Journal</i>, enter your email address:</span></b></p><div class="mc-field-group" style="text-align: left;"><p><label><span style="color: #3d85c6; font-family: inherit;">Email Address</span> </label><input class="required email" id="mce-EMAIL" name="EMAIL" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: medium;" type="email" value="" /></p></div><div class="clear" id="mce-responses" style="text-align: left;"></div><div aria-hidden="true" style="left: -5000px; position: absolute; text-align: left;"><input name="b_40af9cbc852a70e11bc5f14af_b49951f0c3" tabindex="-1" type="text" value="" /></div><p style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; line-height: 17.82px;"><!--real people should not fill this in and expect good things - do not remove this or risk form bot signups--><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: medium; text-align: left;"></span></p><div class="clear" style="text-align: left;"><input class="button" id="mc-embedded-subscribe" name="subscribe" type="submit" value="Subscribe" /></div><div><br /></div></div></form></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div><br /></div></div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-90174653712998457442023-08-21T19:59:00.002+04:002023-08-21T19:59:36.690+04:00Music composers from Armenia and Georgia: An open opportunity for you!<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i.gyazo.com/08445de202ccc1d5ff699e7e2f9d45af.png" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="219" data-original-width="390" height="180" src="https://i.gyazo.com/08445de202ccc1d5ff699e7e2f9d45af.png" width="320" /></a></div>21.08.2023 (Caucasian Journal). <i>Can you write an opera? If yes, this is an opportunity for you. A project supported by European Union is calling for three composers to write three-act opera on environmental sustainability. The composers must be from countries participating in the Creative Europe programme, including Armenia and Georgia.</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Each composer selected for this project called the Butterfly will receive a €11,000 gross fee, including performing rights (both in person and online streaming).</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The deadline for applications is short! Apply before 17 September.</div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The selected candidates are expected to write a three-act opera dedicated to the theme of environmental sustainability (water, earth, and air). </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The opera is to be commissioned by Teatro Comunale di Modena (Italy), Opera Bałtycka (Gdansk, Poland), and Opera Box (Helsinki, Finland).</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The opera created within Project Butterfly will combine three acts of thirty minutes each (one for each country), made up of three stories dedicated to an environmental theme: water, earth and air. The co-production will involve three composers, one from each project partner’s opera house.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The conception of this opera will begin with a co-creation phase implemented by high school students in three partners’ countries – Italy, Poland and Finland. The selected authors will work hand-in-hand with the creative team and the artistic directors in two residencies in Italy and Poland. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">This Call is addressed to music composers who, at the time of application, fulfill the following requirements: </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><ul style="text-align: left;"><li>They are 18 years of age, or older; </li><li>They are legal residents in any of the countries participating in the Creative Europe Programme.</li></ul><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div>To read full details and apply click <a href="https://projectbutterfly.eu/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/CLEAN-20230616_Call-for-composers-and-application.pdf"><b>here</b></a>. </div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The partners in the project are: European Union; AESS (Agency for Energy and Sustainable Development Association) Modena, Italy; Heimspiel GmbH, Augsburg, Germany; CUMEDIAE Culture & Media Agency Europe, Bruxelles, Belgium.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div></div></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; line-height: 16.632px; margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: left;">
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<!--End mc_embed_signup-->Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-51878801254939450582023-07-07T11:37:00.007+04:002023-08-22T11:26:26.671+04:00Tedo JAPARIDZE: "We, the Georgians, should be extremely rational, pragmatic and realistic!"<div dir="ltr" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 6px;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"></div></div><span style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: left;"><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: black;"></span></a><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-decoration-line: none;"></a><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgRjPpG11CvplSKAfRAPhqNrV-MiQChqB3MGwdxnwbv1RVx0s4DENyOv4449_Cky0A7xhGETChuHS9lZWFvi_7ozy2H4q5VJnSgrK6Kj_M9sNgmd4rp-0YTv6OZwkYx1sFTWnIwE76o6b9_mTfnhzKjxeXQ1l0gt33xyD69DsPTCTw6k5zGF4myIVg8I1fe/s1886/TJ.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="Tedo JAPARIDZE" border="0" data-original-height="1886" data-original-width="1494" height="303" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgRjPpG11CvplSKAfRAPhqNrV-MiQChqB3MGwdxnwbv1RVx0s4DENyOv4449_Cky0A7xhGETChuHS9lZWFvi_7ozy2H4q5VJnSgrK6Kj_M9sNgmd4rp-0YTv6OZwkYx1sFTWnIwE76o6b9_mTfnhzKjxeXQ1l0gt33xyD69DsPTCTw6k5zGF4myIVg8I1fe/w240-h303/TJ.jpg" title="Tedo JAPARIDZE" width="240" /></a></div></div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: black;">07.07.2023</span><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #336699; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-decoration-line: none;"> (Caucasian Journal</a><span style="font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;">)</span><span><span style="background-color: transparent;"><span style="line-height: 16.632px;"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b>Today we are especially honored to meet with H.E. Tedo JAPARIDZE – one of the most experienced Georgian diplomats, former National Security Adviser and the Secretary of National Security Council, Minister of Foreign Affairs and chairman of the parliamentary Committee for Foreign Affairs. </b></span></div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b><br /></b></span></div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b>Mr. Japaridze also served as ambassador of Georgia to the United States, Canada and Mexico, and was secretary-general of the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC).</b></span></div></div></div></span></div></span></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: left;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>Alexander KAFFKA, editor-in-chief of CJ: </b></i><i> Y</i><i>our Excellency, welcome to Caucasian Journal. There are so many things to talk about, that I would rather leave it up to you what to pick from the today’s ample “menu”. Let’s perhaps start with your perception and state of mind: How would you summarize what you feel about the current moment – as a person, a citizen of your country? </i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;">Tedo JAPARIDZE:</b><span style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"> </span><span style="color: #0e101a;"> </span><span style="color: #0e101a;">I am, indeed, very much grateful that you invited me to talk. Since the early 1990s after the dissolution of the Soviet Union and whatever was left after that colossal disruption, we have been discussing tortuously our mutual perspectives as the collapse of the USSR was so traumatic for all of us - to this day, it continues to define not only Russia's identity and its geopolitical imperatives but also of its immediate neighbors and far beyond, and naturally, of Georgia as well. Since that period, the entire world, including the post-Soviet space, has changed, turning from a no man’s land to something else, however, maybe still unclear to us. From a frightening stability of the “Cold War” up to the stages of “post-Soviet,” “post-modern,” “new normal,” “known unknowns” and “unknown unknowns” and many others, not well-defined and precise interpretations and rationale, especially of mental maps and landscapes, delusional ideas, predominantly, in tragic forms, and the brutal war in Ukraine reaffirms that distressing fact on the ground. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span><a name='more'></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a;">Plus, if we add to that quagmire the worldwide pandemic (which we all experienced and, I would say, unevenly survived) had a calamitous and misbalancing effect on entire global affairs. As for our part of the world, the South Caucasus, the Second Karabakh War has drastically altered the strategic landscape of our wider region. And that global paradigm shift keeps moving at pace. I recently came across Professor Paul Stephan’s (an old-time friend of mine from the Virginia University Law School) latest book, “The World Crisis and International Law,” from which an excerpt seems to stand out: "We live in a dark time. Not so long ago we thought a new dawn broke when the Cold War ended, bringing universal peace, general prosperity, worldwide connectivity, human rights, and the international rule of law. Instead, disillusion has overtaken us in the wake of shocks and abounding threats. We face uncivil politics, economic anxiety, and tribal conflict throughout the rich world. Authoritarian nationalists seem the coming thing around the world, rich and poor alike. Peace and prosperity do not. Many believers in the liberal international order now feel, like Marxists in the 1980s, that history has turned against them.”</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a;">Please forgive this long quote. We all indeed exist - and need to coexist - in dark times as nationalist and authoritarian forces are animated not only in Europe and the United States, but also in the post-Soviet space, including my own country, Georgia. </span></div><div style="color: #0e101a;"><br /></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="text-indent: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="color: black;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;"> We usually have our choice between bad and worse, and for Georgia that survival pattern always has been about how to preserve our identify, but at the same time to take care of all security implications, and how to find out realistic balances between them.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div><div><br /></div></div></div></div></div></div></span></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a;">What will be the philosophical and moral fixings for the construction of our region anew and specifically of Georgia in the near future to be tuned-in properly to those seismic changes around? Why did I pose that question to myself? I have been curious about this for a long time in grand strategic chunks, especially after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. So, should we be rethinking the history of decolonization to include Russia? Is Ukraine for Russia comparable to the experience of Suez for the UK and France? Are there other comparable examples in our history? Where are we all drifting off to? How should countries like Georgia survive those “interesting times” (as the Chinese curse has it, wishing their enemies to experience “interesting times”) and how to harmonize to those new strategic arrangements of world politics unfolding around us? So, you see that instead of answers, I have posed even more questions. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a;">As Professor Neil MacFarlane, another good friend of mine from Oxford University, loves to say whenever we discuss the future perspectives of global affairs, including, naturally, of Georgia (and Neil and have been doing that since 1990s!): “<b>THE FUTURE IS A DIFFERENT COUNTRY</b>, Tedo!” Indeed!!! Nobody has ever been there, have they? Professor MacFarlane is right. However, that does not mean that we should not think about the future perspectives! However, to proceed that way, we, Georgians, should be extremely rational, pragmatic and realistic, as we live in a rough neighborhood and in a generally a ruthless world, where vibrant developments happen and those things predominantly are bad. So, we, Georgians, usually – and historically, due our geography and different strategic factors - have our choice between bad and worse, and for Georgia, that <b>survival pattern</b> always has been about preservation of our identify, but at the same time taking care of all security implications, internal and external, and finding out realistic, accurate balances between these challenges. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a;">It’s not easy, believe me, as other global or regional actors, especially Russia, have different visions on those problems and interpret everything only in their own way and according to their own interests, beginning from security, stability, economic cooperation and through independence and sovereignty, particularly regarding their immediate neighbors. Why? In the case of Russia, the purpose is to dominate and control its periphery and keep neighbors unstable and relatively unsettled, according to so-called pattern of “<b>negative conditionality</b>” - either with us or against us, thus promoting, as Russian policy-makers think, their strategic interests. I had so many polemical but futile, ineffective discussions with my Russian colleagues, including, by the way, Russian democrats and liberals.</span></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="color: #0e101a;"><br /></span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><i><b>AK: </b>Even before the current unprecedented political and military situation in Europe, Georgia and many other countries had been living though very turbulent times, with crisis, pandemics, and other factors of instability. And the challenges the world is facing now are plainly unprecedented and unthinkable. Given your vast political experience, how would you characterize the today’s situation on a global level? Can you name three top priorities for the political leaders to cope with?</i></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: #0e101a; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; text-indent: 0cm;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span><div style="color: black;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">I would humbly advise Georgia to be predictable, rational, pragmatic, trustworthy, useful and valuable for partners and immediate neighbors; be an “institutionalized democracy” based on the rule of law.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px;"><br /></div></div></span><b>TJ: </b>I would agree with whatever Professor Paul Stephan outlined in the above-mentioned fragment but at the same time I am not that alarmistic. Yes, the situation is stormy and global affairs have been passing through an immensely neurotic reformatting and recalibration process. Consequently, a country like Georgia again should think resolutely and resiliently about its own identify and security and how to tackle this existential dilemma. How to find those balances and compromises but do that without conceding its strategic agenda and goals identified by citizens of Georgia and Georgia’s Constitution. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Let’s turn back briefly to that pattern of Russian “negative conditionality.” As acknowledged by Thomas Graham of Kissinger Associates (again, apologies for such a long quote!): “The war in Ukraine has changed the strategic dynamics in the former Soviet space and almost entirely to Russia’s disadvantage. Russia has lost Ukraine for at least a generation, as the conflict has strengthened Ukrainians’ sense of national identify and fortified their determination to minimize ties to Russia and anchor their future in Europe. Moldova also has a European future, and Russia will likely find it increasingly difficult to maintain its influence in Transnistria, which will be surrounded by “pro-European” territory. Turkey is already enhancing its influence in the Caucasus and will likely continue to do so at Russia’s expense. Meanwhile, Chinese influence is growing rapidly in Central Asia, where concerns about Moscow’s expansionary ambitions are growing, especially in Kazakhstan.” </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Consequently, what has Russia gained? But more important to me is how should a country like Georgia survive under that impulsive circumstances and fluctuations in its immediate neighborhood? Again, not an easy question to find a proper answer to! I would humbly advise Georgians under those quivering conditions to be predictable, rational, pragmatic, trustworthy, useful and valuable to your strategic partners but also to your immediate historical neighbors who usually have long memories. Georgia itself should keep going on the democratic way, towards, as we say, an “institutionalized democracy” based on the rule of law, and do so with a supposition that democracy is a heavy burden, which our authorities and the opposition should take upon their shoulders and embark on that never-ending journey of perfection though excruciating and frequently disorderly processes. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">As Winston Churchill sarcastically admitted in 1947, “democracy is the worst form of government except for all those other forms that have been tried from time to time.” So, at present, we cannot afford to divide the country amongst winners and losers, if we ever could afford it. I once wrote that we need a more diffused sense of power. We cannot fail to affirm confidence in our democracy, nor should that depend only on western intervention. Our Western friends and allies may help, assist, but this is our democracy, our own project that we must build with care and diligence, accepting mediation or arbitration, but not relying on it systemically. The citizens of Georgia must never again be forced to choose between “effective” and “representative” democracy. I can reaffirm that during former Prime-Minister Giorgi Kvirikashvili’s term, the country bolstered its effectiveness brand as well as its democratic aura and that was acknowledged by foreign counterparts and experts.</div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: #0e101a; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: #0e101a; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">Education should become the fundamental element of Georgia’s advancement towards the resolution of that centuries-old dilemma: How to preserve our identity in a secure way not to damage it.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></span></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">I cannot advise current world leaders, regarding their top three priorities, as you urge me to do, but were I in the shoes, for example, of current Georgian leaders (which I apparently do not want to be!), I would concentrate my efforts on <b>education, education and, once again, education</b>. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Education should become a fundamental element of Georgia’s advancement towards the resolution of that centuries-old dilemma I mentioned above: how to preserve our identity but do that in a secure way not to damage it. Again, easy to say but, unsurprisingly, not easy to resolve that dilemma. Education, and knowledge in general, are the essential, basic instruments: If we do not broaden and deepen our knowledge, recalibrate our awareness regarding the entire context of global processes and trends, we may as a country be lost in the tangles of global affairs. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The “<b>knowledge economy</b>” (and not “<b>globalization</b>,” which as it looks in its current format has expired its resources and potential), as identified by Professor Paul Stephan, is key to flourishing in today’s world in different areas of politics, economy, security and stability. And a <b>knowledge economy</b> will be crucial in winning our battle for the future. I think that Georgia and Georgians of any and all political or ideological inclinations should be focused on that strategic agenda: the future!</div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">AK: </span></i></b><i style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">If we look at the global political-military toolset of today, we
see that the importance of the military tools is growing, while the political
and especially legal instruments are losing strength. If there is indeed such a
trend, what are the implications? What’s the future of global security?</span></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><br /></span></i></div><b>TJ: </b>I have just talked about that in my previous answer. There’s no way to succeed militarily or politically without being successful in the area of the “knowledge economy”. Just the recent example is – and let’s again quote MacFarlane and Thomas Graham. Look how Russia has been endeavoring to emulate its old imperial escapades, following a 19th century logic and using old military instruments [knowledge – <i>TJ</i>] but vexing to accomplish those goals in a completely different world. Isn’t it simply a new interpretation of an old aphorism I heard many times from wise people – last time it was Neil MacFarlane - that history repeats itself as a farce?<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p><br /></o:p></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">AK: </span></i></b><i style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Let’s switch from the global scale to this country. Georgia’s
position is raising many concerns. The internal political situation is
worrisome – the political life is deadlocked; it threatens the investment
climate and the international image of Georgia as well. What is at the root of
the problems?</span></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: #0e101a; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: #0e101a; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">I called Georgia the "Peter Pan of the Caucasus" – a lovely character, but never grown up, matured.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></span></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div></div><b>TJ:</b> These are not only Georgia’s problems, by the way. But let’s try to focus specifically on Georgia and its internal problems. I mentioned the elements of institutionalized democracy – strong political institutions, the rule of law, fair elections, political and media pluralism or whatever has been formulated in those “EU 12 recommendations”. I once said that Georgia is trapped in a ‘Catch 22’ situation: The government does not regard the opposition as the future government and the opposition is not acting as a future government. We must expect better and more of each other. Was I too wishful or naïve desiring this? Was I being a typical Georgian dreamer? And of course, there should be <b>grand strategic ideas</b> in the country, ideas that unify the elites or political classes together with the society and move the country ahead and not predestine it run irrationally and fatefully around a vicious circle or spiral of instability, sometimes even lunacy, for years. <br /><br />On one occasion, I called Georgia the "Peter Pan of the Caucasus” – a lovely character, but never grown up, matured. You know that foreigners tend to say that Georgia is not a boring country – something always happens there, either good or bad. I wish maybe as an idealist, for Georgia to become as boring as Estonia, where things happen - sometimes maybe vibrant ones - but Estonia moves resolutely ahead and earns the top levels regionally and globally. Therefore, my perhaps naïve optimism is based on an assumption that one day Georgia will turn into what we call “secure democracy” when a country stands firmly on its both feet and makes its own sovereign and independent decisions without looking left or right.<div><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">AK: </span></i></b><i style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Ready answers to these problems are hard to find, especially if we
ask responsible professionals, who are always very careful in wording. But
still, are there any steps that you may suggest?</span></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><br /></span></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>TJ:</b>I am not an oracle but I may only humbly advise the current Georgian politicians of any kind: The government, majority or the opposition (I know that they all hate to be advised as they assume that they know everything!) - to get rid of that obsession and greediness for power, to keeping that power for years! Again, my message is not only about those who are currently in power but also about those who want to grab that by all means and contest in that regard not only with their opponents but with themselves vis-à-vis who’s more democratic, more liberal or more “European”, “pro-US” or “pro-EU”.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">I remember one Greek friend of mine described Georgia as a land of “feudal pluralism” where everybody either pretends or desires to be a king who knows – and it’s ultimately only him or her (!) – how to navigate Georgia properly to safety, as some Georgian Moses. Instead of that sort of “pluralism” Georgia needs to consolidate its political agenda and identify its top strategic priorities, which, by the way, as I said above, have been identified by the Constitution, and, by the way, quite a long time ago. That “feudal pluralism” and the “rivalry” within it could have been funny to watch had it not impacted or affected damagingly the perspectives of Georgia itself. Sometimes it seems to me that <b>there are more “democrats” and “liberals" around these days in Georgia than there is genuine democracy or liberalism itself</b>. Once I wrote that when maxims of Jonathan Swift and George Orwell are taken together, messed with each other, and projected on Georgia, the saddening tears alas trump an obvious laughter. </div><div><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">AK:</span></i></b><i style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">As a foreign affairs professional, would you like to comment in
particular on Georgia’s bilateral relations? One of highlights in your
distinguished career is serving as ambassador to the Unites States. I am sure
you have worked with some of the brightest political figures, and there are
many interesting episodes that you might share with our readers.</span></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">TJ: </span></b><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;">Yes, I have met many legendary political figures, including prominent US, European, regional politicians and academics – Presidents, Prime-Ministers, Members of Congress, Secretaries of State, MEPs, senior diplomats, scholars, opinion-makers and shapers/influencers. With each of them, I endeavored – sometimes even struggled and unfortunately failed - to talk about Georgia as not only some “geography,” a country with its unique historical, religious or cultural legacies but also as a specific strategic context, a country possessing distinctive institutional and collective centuries-long memory dealing with its rough neighborhood, including long imperial memories and current regional perceptions, which frequently – and unfortunately - usually turn into the calamitous realities for us. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;"><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://i.gyazo.com/3a92280e9d624574a242d020aa39e8d6.png" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="Secretary James Baker" border="0" data-original-height="494" data-original-width="427" height="232" src="https://i.gyazo.com/3a92280e9d624574a242d020aa39e8d6.png" title="Secretary James Baker" width="200" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><div style="text-align: right;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: arial; font-size: x-small; text-indent: 0cm;">James A. Baker</span></div><span style="font-family: arial;"><div style="text-align: right;"><span style="color: #666666; font-size: x-small; text-indent: 0cm;">(image: B</span><span style="color: #666666; font-size: x-small; text-indent: 0cm;">aker Institute)</span></div></span></td></tr></tbody></table><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">A while ago, I remember, I asked Secretary James Baker, who was already retired, why the powerful United States cared so much about Georgia’s independence, sovereignty, stability and security. His response was indeed strategic and his words are still resonating in my memory:<b> “The United States want to have as many as possible clusters of democracy and stability throughout the world and keep those clusters as far as possible from America. We see Georgia as one of this kind of clusters. And if the US succeeds with that grandiose plan, the United States itself would be secure and stable.”</b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Secretary Baker articulated those views in 1997. That same year, William Courtney, US Ambassador to Georgia, delivered a message to the European business community gathered in Brussels: It was time for Georgia to cease being a problem and a headache and become an opportunity for investors, and indeed an island of stability and democracy. Undeniably, we were going that way, however, then <b>some things, well-known to us</b>, happened here and there and Georgia is where it is now: we do our best to move ahead, accomplish our strategic agenda, maybe sometimes zigzagging here and there, but still moving ahead relatively resiliently. And that makes me cautiously optimistic.</div><div><br /></div></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;">Back to my meetings with political dignitaries and celebrities. I had an opportunity and privilege to meet and talk not only with US, European, Asian VIPs, including Turkish, Iranian, by the way even President Vladimir Putin. These were exceptionally interesting meetings, especially with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and with high-level Iranian officials. No way to forget my strategically exceptional meetings with President Heidar Alyiev, President Suleiman Demirel, President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, meetings full of vision and wisdom! By the way, I met with President Vladimir Putin a couple of times , and particularly the meeting in Bocharov Ruchei in 2002 was indeed “unforgettable” (exactly our impromptu exchange on the Georgian conflicts and the ways how to resolve them), but let’s talk about that some other time! </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;"><table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; margin-left: 1em; text-align: right;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://i.gyazo.com/36fc18b404038de4106755f8f74df6d7.png" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="Luboš Dobrovský" border="0" data-original-height="508" data-original-width="408" height="242" src="https://i.gyazo.com/36fc18b404038de4106755f8f74df6d7.png" title="Luboš Dobrovský" width="194" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><div style="text-align: right;"><span style="color: #666666; font-family: arial; font-size: x-small; text-indent: 0cm;">Luboš Dobrovský</span></div><span style="font-family: arial;"><div style="text-align: right;"><span style="color: #666666; font-size: x-small; text-indent: 0cm;">(image: </span><span style="color: #666666; font-size: x-small; text-indent: 0cm;">Jindřich Nosek)</span></div></span></td></tr></tbody></table>Among those official or unofficial encounters, I particularly remember my meeting in Prague, in March of 1993 with Luboš Dobrovský, a legendary ally and associate of Vaclav Havel, one of the heroes of the Velvet Revolution, Mr. Dobrovský by that time was the Head of Havel’s administration and, as I recall, we had a long conversation throughout which he meticulously and practically inquisitively was bombarding me with questions concerning the meaning of the notion of the “near abroad,” familiarized, if you remember, in the post–Soviet vocabulary and discourse by the Kremlin, classifying thus the former Soviet space and the world beyond it. In a while, I asked Mr. Dobrovský why he was so much pedantic about that term and he answered: “We, Europeans, should be extremely careful, aware and familiar with all details and nuances of Russia’s interpretations of that notion and how they instrumentalize them towards former Soviet republics, as what they consider today as their “near abroad”, tomorrow may turn out to be their “middle abroad” and afterwards go further.” </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;">So, where are we all now? Where is Georgia moving to and what’s our strategic agenda and the instruments to accomplish it? I have posed those questions above and I acknowledged that I do not know the exact answers as I am now an outsider and I do not know the details and nuances of Georgia’s current political process - and those nuances and details, usually are invisible for an outsider and are essential elements of policy-making. But still those magical sentiments of Mr. Dobrovský are sturdily cemented into my memory. By the way, we talked much about my meetings with variety of foreign high-level officials, but the most memorable and honorable were my encounters with President Zviad Gamsakhurdia, President Eduard Shevardnadze (daily for many years!!!), President Michael Saakashvili, the leadership of “Georgian Dream”. Each laid a solid brick in the foundation of Georgia’s independence and preserving its sovereignty, naturally, making their mistakes and missteps on that tumultuous way. Sometimes it seems that those blunders were just unavoidable and inevitable, as we say, home-grown, but some of those “mistakes and missteps” were just imposed on Georgia from outside (in the formats of conflicts, wars, internal vibrancy) and frequently dragged Georgia into strategic stalemate, hindering its progress and prosperity.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: #0e101a; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: #0e101a; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">If Georgia survived as an independent and sovereign state, preserved its stability, security, achieved successes in its uphill and never-ending democracy-capacity building, all of this occurred thanks to immeasurable support and assistance of the United States.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></span></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div></div></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">AK: </span></i></b><i style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Georgia-USA relations in a time perspective… I think it’s a very
interesting case. We see such extremes as naming a Tbilisi’s street after an American
president to ‘personal attacks’ on the US ambassador… How important is America
to Georgian people? How do you see the future Georgia-USA relations</span></i><i style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">?</span></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><br /></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">TJ: </span></b><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">Naturally, my answer to that question would be just a personal one, as already admitted above, nowadays I am not an insider of those very complex and comprehensive relations. On the other hand, I was among those Georgian leaders, politicians and diplomats who laid the first – and, I would say, very rock-hard, strategic cornerstone in the foundation of Georgia - US relations. That’s an extended, thirty+ years' long story how that multi-strategy journey advanced. However, there’s one emotional description of those relations, which I have recalled many times and want also to share it with you: If Georgia survived as an independent and sovereign state, preserved its stability, security, achieved successes in its uphill and never-ending process of democracy/capacity-building, all that occurred thanks to immeasurable support and assistance of the United States.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">Of course, this was not a linear process and Georgia confronted certain wars, conflicts, drawbacks, failures and zigzags in that tumultuous process (I talked briefly about them above), but the United States always stood firmly next to Georgia whether these were achievements or failures, ready to help and assist and navigate Georgia properly and securely. While maybe assistance packages were timid by American standards, their cumulative value was significant. Each million spent in “our part of the world” was a geopolitical commitment to all of us. In effect, the United States was sponsoring our aspirations rather than buying out our destiny. As I learned recently from Ambassador Kelly Degnan, the US has provided to Georgia more than <b>$6 billion in assistance</b>, as well as other kind of support. That’s a colossal amount assistance to make Georgia a functioning democracy!</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">I remember, in 1998 I was invited to a ceremony celebrating the first $31 million US Government assistance package to Uzbekistan. The host was Ambassador Richard Morningstar, by that time, Special Adviser to the President and the Secretary of State on Assistance to the New Independent States of the Former Soviet Union (FSU). The guest of honor was Hillary Clinton, the First Lady at the time - but much more than that in terms of her influence. </span></div><div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: #0e101a; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: #0e101a; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">In effect, the United States was sponsoring our aspirations rather than buying out our destiny.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></span></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div></div></div><div><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">I was asked by Ambassador Morningstar to close the event with an impromptu speech. I started by thanking the US Government for its immeasurable assistance for former Soviet republics, later straying towards a more personal tone. I talked about my son, Nika, who since 1994 (when we arrived in the US) grew into a typical American suburban teenager and was about to sit his final exams at Bethesda High School (BCC) in Maryland. So, I added his and his generation of Georgians’ American experience to the multi-billion-dollar package of US assistance that literally laid foundation of the newly instituted independent and sovereign Georgia. And then I wondered if Nika’s generation – or any generation thereafter – would ever repay the loan the people of Georgia received from Washington or, better to say, the citizens of the United States. I wished that our country would grow into a state with the rule of law, irreversibly democratic, affluent, substantially sovereign, capable of paying back its debts. The point I made was that for Nika’s generation of Georgians, debt and our collective “loan” were not merely financial but also moral. </span></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;">So, Georgia’s commitment to the United States was not measurable. Any message of America’s support was what Georgia stands for and that spreads instantly across our small country like a wild fire. Everywhere, even in the smallest villages, Georgians who have fought so hard to wrench their nation from a future of servitude and occupation onto a pathway of democratic Americans values and civil society say it. Georgia has come a long way. By all means, our deep faith and legacy have been the engine of our transformation, fueled by the courage of a small but talented population. History has rocked Georgia brutally and Georgia has been repeatedly conquered, subjugated, and colonized. Yet we have lost neither our own vision of freedom nor our organic attachment to Western civilization. We have grown stronger and more consistent in our commitment to enshrine freedom and democracy as our national destiny. Yes, we are not perfect, however, who’s perfect in that imperfect world? And, I hope, we will not be moved from this path.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: black; font-weight: 400; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: #0e101a; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: #0e101a; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">Even the process of engagement (not membership!) with the EU and NATO will make Georgia a better place than it is now.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></span></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div></div></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">AK: </span></i></b><i style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Georgians identify themselves strongly with Europe and the West in
general. That’s a very valuable asset, but must be handled with much care,
otherwise this resource might evaporate. How do you assess the EU and NATO’s
attitude to Georgia (and vice versa), and the progress of Georgia’s European
integration?</span></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><br /></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">TJ: </span></b><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">As I said many times, we live in a transforming neighborhood and attempt to maintain good relations with just about everyone. Turkey is our largest trading and strategic partner. Iran is returning to the region, including to Georgia. China is a new and powerful presence; the Middle East has discovered Georgia and invests here. Azerbaijan and Ukraine are also our strategic partners and we appreciate the normalcy and good-neighborly political, trade and commercial relations with Armenia. The Black Sea is a new strategic frontier, and Georgia is prominent on that landscape, specifically on its eastern shores. We acknowledge that all around us, other states, are going through their own transitions, some better than others, which is why security was such an important part of our conversation. We hope that one day we will become part of NATO and the EU, however, we also understand (I hope) that it looks like it’s a long-term perspective. However, let’s be positive regarding that overly pessimistic “long-term” perspective”: I think that even the process of engagement (not only membership!) with the EU and NATO will make Georgia a better place than it is now.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: #0e101a; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">Georgia should be more visible, active in different strategic formats and discussions. We “disappeared” from those strategic arrangements, landscapes and discourses or just marginally emerging here and there. That’s not good indeed!</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></span></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">Therefore, all those “<b>12 recommendations</b>” and <b>NATO guidelines</b> are about that: how to make Georgia a normal, functioning democracy as the membership both in NATO or the EU, besides institutional capacity, including the military one, are based on values, principles and democratic practice. I hope that we are realistic about how this process may unfold and thus we should be ready for the opening of any window of opportunity. On the other hand, we have learned to be patient, not to rush the tempo, even as promises are made and then delayed as if we are fixated in front of revolving doors: we are in and promptly are out! We understand that, as I admitted above, the process of engagement is only slightly less important than the destination. That said, the prospect of NATO and the EU membership are powerful motivators for Georgia’s democratic development. If we fail to make progress, hope suffers, and with diminished hope the Georgians’ enthusiasm for its democratic development will wane. But in addition to all those NATO and the EU criteria and standards, Georgia itself should be more visible, active in different strategic formats and discussions. I see that we kind of “disappeared” from those strategic arrangements, landscapes and discourses or just marginally emerging here and there. That’s not good indeed!</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><o:p><br /></o:p></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">AK: </span></i></b><i style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Georgia vis-à-vis its neighbors and other post-Soviet countries,
including Ukraine and Russia… Again, so many things to talk about – what would you like to emphasize? What is
your strategic advice?</span></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><br /></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">TJ: </span></b><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;">As I admitted many times, nowadays I am not giving strategic advice because I do not know, as I admitted above, important details and nuances of the ongoing political process, which, as I watch that from outside, is slightly neurotic, chaotic, turbulent. By all means, one needs to be smart, wise, cautious to navigate properly through those cyclonic global political developments. So, to do that properly and as accurately as possible, one needs to think strategically and contextually, calculating appropriately not only what will be good for his/her own country but also for your partners, neighbors as well and – that may sound surprising and extraordinary to some - even for one’s opponents. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">You remember the famous British military dictum? “Firstly, you need to penetrate under the skin of your opponent and only after that make your own judgment and final choice!” To proceed that way would not be a simple calculation! Why? While doing that any Georgian decision-maker (or, for that matter, any decision-maker who represents a small and relatively weak country as Georgia is and plus, located in that kind of rough neighborhood) always needs to keep in his/her mind Georgia’s own strategic agenda and interests and not to concede an iota of them. A hard dilemma, doesn’t it?! To deal with that kind of impasse, it looks like any Georgian decision-maker must deal with a classic Catch-22 situation or a “lose-lose” option. So, that’s the reason why any Georgian decision-maker needs to be very cautious. But here’s a paradox: being cautious does not mean to be cowardice and overly panicky or create that kind of image and perception. Let’s pose a straight-cut forward question: who wants to engage Georgia in military activities or open the “second front” or whatever? Georgia has experienced those escapades, brutal conflicts and wars as well as some reserved reactions on them, including just “strong statements” from our Western partners. As result we have lost 20% of our territories and that makes us vigilant. But, as in our life, there are the situations when you need to take the right side, be, as people say here, in my Vera neighborhood, “on the right side of the fence”. And what’s the right side of the fence in our case? What was the choice of Georgia for centuries? Has it changed? Isn’t our choice same and again, between bad and worse? So, to be on the “right side of the fence” does not mean to be impulsively and hotheadedly against somebody or something! It means to make a moral decision, accepted by the civilized world, based on its values and principles.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">Now back to your question. Russia is our neighbor and apparently, we cannot change our geography. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Georgia desired a durable and mutually advantageous relationship with Russia, which is in the common interests of Georgia and Russia, as well as in the interests of the United States and Europe. We pledged for years that we will do all within our power to develop such a relationship, as long as Georgia’s national interests are not compromised. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">As I said many times,<b> we want to live with Russia but not inside Russia</b>. This brings us to so-called “new Russia” or “Putin’s Russia” and her "<b>negative conditionality</b>" pattern that Russia offers to all her neighbors : either with us or against us. I talked about that above. We all know that the South Caucasus region’s conflicts were stirred and exacerbated by the Kremlin right after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, however the plans to instigate and provoke them were ready long before the USSR collapsed – different versions of those divergences - one for Ukraine, another one for the South Caucasus and specifically Georgia and so forth. </span></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">And nowadays, as I stated, we witness how Russia attempts its old imperial adventures following, as admitted by Professor MacFarlane, a 19th century logic in a completely different world and circumstances. Russia succeeded her brutal aspirations in Georgia in 2008, dismembering it ruthlessly but afterwards became embroiled first in the Second Karabakh war and now in Ukraine. So, especially Russia’s aggression against Ukraine has shifted the global geopolitical situation in ways that have eroded Russia’s power and influence, and thus damaged her strategic interests that any country, big or small, in the world has. Tom Graham admitted that eloquently: “The Euro-Atlantic community is more unified than it has been in decades. NATO has rediscovered its original mission of containing Russia. If we turn to so-called “Global South” where Russia wanted if not to dominate but to be one of the principal handlers, the reality is that both China and the United States remain much more active in that region, and much more influential than Russia, but specifically the countries of the "Global South" do not want to get caught between Russia and the United States, or more accurately between China and the United States. They may not have followed the Western sanctions, but neither have they delivered to Moscow much substantive support.” In short, Russia’s aggression has led, as I said above, to a deterioration of global standing and complicated the geopolitical challenges she faces. But the real problems Russia – and maybe the West - encounters are in the post-Soviet space. Everybody desires stable and secure Russia, a ”cooperative Russia”, as the West needs, as some say, “situationally” Russia’s capacity to deal with different kind of non-traditional, or asymmetric threats and challenges such as the arms control, disarmament, climate change, international terrorism and so forth. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">We, in Georgia, understand that here’s a strategic trap: The West would never have that kind of “cooperative Russia” unless Russia herself does not settle her relations with her post-Soviet neighbors and admits that that these entities are now sovereign and independent states. With their own strategic agendas and goals and any attempt to reconstruct a “Soviet” or even “Russian Empire” is just, mildly speaking, wishful thinking. Even if somehow or someway Russia succeeds in that regard, that would be a “fake success”, which would devour Russia herself and her political fabrics. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">And the war with Ukraine reaffirmed that dire perspective, as, I admitted that above, we all need a stable and prosperous Russia, as democratic as possible thus cooperative Russia and maybe more than Westerners. When I say “wishful”, I mean the everlasting problems of mental maps and mental landscapes still enshrined in some Russian mindsets, including the of so-called Russian democrats and liberals. I had many chats in that regard with my Russian friends and colleagues. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">Where’s Russia’s good-neighborly policy, similar to what the EU had a while ago for the post-Soviet space? I remember a big gathering in Berlin on the wider Black Sea region, sometime in 2006 when I posed the same question to my Russian colleague, a well-educated and, as we say, European minded person, as Americans loved to call, “westernized”: Where was Russia good-neighborly policy? I remember, my Russian colleague got angry and responded quite harshly to me in the presence of totally appalled participants of the conference: “Russia did not have and never would have that so-called “good- neighborly policy, Mr. Japaridze!” </span><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">Wow! </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">Indeed, in the words Fyodor Tyutchev, a wonderful Russian poet,</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;"><br /></span></div></div></div><blockquote style="border: none; margin: 0px 0px 0px 40px; padding: 0px; text-align: left;"><div trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: left;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;"><i>“You will not grasp her with your mind</i></span></div></div></div><div trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: left;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;"><i>or cover with a common label,</i></span></div></div></div><div trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: left;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;"><i>for Russia is one of a kind —</i></span></div></div></div><div trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: left;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;"><i>believe in her, if you are able...”</i></span></div></div></div></blockquote><div dir="ltr" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">By the way, as we know, Fyodor Tyutchev was not only a famous poet and a diplomat but a quite an effective spy. So supposedly, I would have two questions to Fyodor Tyutchev was he alive today: How to <i>believe </i>(<b>верить</b>) <i>in Russia</i>, what would be propositions for that, especially after the events in Ukraine but also not forgetting Georgia of 2008 as well? And why everybody (almost everybody) in Russia’s neighborhood prefers to escape from Russia, prefers to join NATO or the EU to feel secure? Why do we not feel secure being in Russia’s neighborhood? I was going to craft two questions and produced three. Sorry for that! And, by the way, these are merely trivial questions and we all know the answers to them.</span></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><br /></span></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">AK: </span></i></b><i style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">May I ask you my favorite question: Do you consider South Caucasus
a “region”, or just three countries with totally different vectors? Is there a
future for substantial regional cooperation in the South Caucasian format, or
in a wider Black Sea format? </span></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><br /></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, "serif";"><b>TJ: </b></span></span><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">I like very much your question as it brings us to the current state of affairs and perspectives of the South Caucasus. As I noted above, the Second Karabakh War dramatically changed it strategic landscape, balances of power there, opened some perspectives for new trade and commercial interactions but still, as I feel and even see, there’s one missing element in that strategic evolving new regional image or paradigm: politicians, scholars, experts still speak about the South Caucasus not as a whole region but an area composed of three separate states with their own historical and cultural legacies, strategic agendas and goals. To make my point short and precise:<b> There’s no regional connectivity in the South Caucasus as it is in Scandinavia, the Baltic area, and maybe even (in certain ways) among Central Asian states. </b></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;">To make my point
short and precise: <b>there’s no regional connectivity in the South Caucasus
as it is in Scandinavia, the Baltic area, and maybe even (in certain ways)
among Central Asian states</b>. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;">Recently I read and profusely enjoyed Laurence Broers’ (UK Conciliation Resources and Chatham House) </span><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">observation on the connectivity issue, which was published by the way, by your <i><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/2020/05/dr-laurence-broers-there-wont-be.html">Caucasian Journal</a></i>. As Mr. Broers acknowledges, that <b>“connectivity embraces not only access and transit, but also the nature and density of other kinds of connection: the civic ties, transnational networks, everyday interactions and communities of practice that embody a networked connectivity between and among societies and social spaces.” </b></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">Indeed, the South Caucasus connectivity capacity is currently focused on a “thin”, as defined by Mr. Broers, conception of connectivity focused on large, state-directed infrastructural projects, rather than a “<b>thicker</b>” conception of connectivity encompassing actors and spaces beyond the state. I have been thinking about that quite long time and I talked about those delicate and complex issues for years with my friends, including from Azerbaijan and Armenia. The question that instantly comes to my mind is whether the Second Karabakh War, which reconfigured the entire landscape of the South Caucasus, opened doors for that kind of quiet conversations without TV cameras and press and specifically among some knowledgeable, intelligent, experienced enough, let’s call them “regional wise men”, on those “<b>elements of “thicker connectivity</b>”? Has the time come for that? </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">Watching the ongoing South Caucasian discourse unfold, I comprehend that politicians, academic circles, experts still, if not ignoring, but somehow are cautiously reluctant to observe the South Caucasus as a region. What’s the motive for that neglect? Maybe it’s still too early as the aftershocks of the Second Karabakh War are still excruciating. I posed the same question to Professor MacFarlane, a long-time expert on the thorny South Caucasian issues, and he responded that “the passivity is based on the fact that our region encompasses geographical contiguity or proximity.” </span></div><div><br /></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">I would agree with Professor MacFarlane’s judgment, but that’s not enough to fully understand the problem. I traveled enough throughout the South Caucasus and I detected that we - Azerbaijanis, Armenians, Georgians - do not know each other’s history, culture, particularly our shared cultural features and connectivity, our centuries–old lack of engagement (instigated and intentionally promoted by our former Imperial patrons) with neighbors and thus the lack understanding regarding the closeness of traditions and cultures. I have been focused on the problems of South Caucasus for years but do we know well the history and cultural legacies of the Black Sea littoral states? Do Georgians know the traditions, habits, legacies of Turks, Bulgarians, Romanians? For some years I was the Secretary-General of the BSEC (Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation) , the only regional international organization supposed to promote trade, commerce and thus connectivity among the littoral states but not only. However, I witnessed myself those futile battles among the member-states over some insignificant things and problems that distracted relationships and connections.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><br /></span></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">AK: </span></i></b><i style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Foreign investments are critically important for Georgia, and you
have been directly involved in one of the main projects – Anaklia Port. Though
Anaklia (preceded by Lazika) hardly can be considered as success so far, we
hope this important project will move ahead, and followed by many others. But
when? The deadline for investors to submit proposals expired on June 19. Can you
comment on Anaklia project situation, or generally on the situation with FDI? </span></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><br /></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">TJ: </span></b><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;">Georgia could have indeed rapidly become a global trade and transport center, a juncture from Europe to Asia and vice versa, had we empowered our new deep-water port in Anaklia. We expected that the Anaklia Sea port could have accelerated foreign direct investment flows and Georgia’s central position in the eastern shores of the Black Sea. Georgia is where West meets East and North meets South. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-bottom: 2pt; text-indent: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: #0e101a; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-bottom: 2pt; text-indent: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: #0e101a; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">Due to the war between Ukraine and Russia, all Russian seaports are under sanctions and almost all Ukrainian seaports are either demolished or damaged. We can only imagine where Georgia could have been trade and commerce-wise on a global scale had the Anaklia deep-sea port been operational.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></span></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-bottom: 2pt; text-indent: 0cm;"><br /></div></span><span style="text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: inherit;">We have been dedicated for years to making Georgia a compelling gateway for trade and commerce to the world, empowered by a stable democracy and a vibrant free market. In general, the South Caucasus remains one of the most perplexing regions of Europe. The countries of the area—Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan—were often isolated by culture and history and we talked about that above. But on the other hand, the South Caucasus, and specifically Georgia, with an access to the Black Sea infrastructural capacity and with that supposed to be build a new deep-water port in Anaklia, could have transformed itself into a “leap region”—a regulatory and infrastructural bridge leaping across Europe and Asia. The goal was to make Georgia a modern hub for both continents. In particular, the new deep-sea port could have formed the core of Georgia’s version of so-called “localization”. Located at the crossroads of geopolitically significant trans-Eurasian trade corridors, Georgia could have realized its geopolitical potential by combining infrastructure developments such as the Anaklia port with growing regional supply chains. So, earlier to localize this global potential, Georgia has partnered with Azerbaijan and Turkey in the development of energy projects, later the Baku–Tbilisi-Kars (BTK) railway network, whichin conjunction with Kazakhstan's Khorgos dry port - shortens the voyage from Europe to China to fifteen days; that’s twice as fast as shipping. Georgia’s coastline on the Black Sea is the only route, as admitted above, from Europe to China that doesn’t run through Russia. That was significant for Ukraine, which in 2015 replaced even the United States as the biggest exporter of corn to China and is also the eighth producer of soybeans in the world. Of equal significance is the need of major European food exporters to reach the Central Asian hinterland, China, and the Middle East. The Middle Corridor from Georgia to China could have become the market driven by players who are motivated to modernize regulation and infrastructure to reduce transport costs. </span></span><span><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-bottom: 2pt; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="text-indent: 0cm;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="text-indent: 0cm;">As you may noticed I have used many “past perfect forms” for my answers as the Anaklia project that could have raised Georgia on different strategic level had been congested due to some political, personal or bureaucratic debris. And more than that the case now in arbitration and we do not know yet what would be the conclusion of that settlement. The Government talks about some new tenders but I have not heard anything specific in that regard. Meanwhile, as I said, due to the war between Ukraine and Russia, all Russian sea-ports are under sanctions and almost all Ukrainian sea-ports are either demolished or severely damaged. We can only imagine where Georgia could have been trade and commercial-wise on a global scale had the Anaklia deep-sea port been operational.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-bottom: 2pt; text-indent: 0cm;"><br /></div></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">AK: </span></i></b><i style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">Is it true that the foreign investors’ attitude to Georgia has
changed? In your view, what is to be done to attract serious international
investors to this country?</span></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><br /></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">TJ: </span></b><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">My answer would be short and straight-forward: Georgia should accomplish a full-scale judiciary reform and cement the rule of law in our everyday life, strengthen our belief into our court-system. If that happens then we shall witness the flow of serious FDI and visits of solid international investors. Currently the flow of FDI is weak and insignificant in courtiers where the judiciary system is problematic and courts are biased. The foreign investors prefer to avoid this kind of problematic countries.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><br /></span></i></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">AK: </span></i></b><i style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">We do not often have a chance to interview speakers of your
caliber. I wish we could hear more from the nation’s most experienced people –
otherwise the fake experts and fake ideas may take the lead. Would you like to
comment on this? How can a society be stimulated to listen to the smart and
experienced?</span></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><br /></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">TJ: </span></b><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;">I do not know how to answer your question as I feel that our society itself happens to be more or less comfortable with that kind of sham veracity I would say, that there’s strongly demand reality. Those people expect daily portion negative, neurotic news and when they get their regular dose,they feel thrilled, morphed enough . So, we swallow different versions of developments and their interpretations of what happened in our own country but according to the political taste or skills of different news-makers/influencers or news interpreters, or would better to say, different news-manipulators and their political patrons! By the way, that maybe “today’s news” cooked yesterday in some smoke-filled rooms. And in the end, watching that news diatribe, we stay in total confusion as if watching developments in different countries and not in our own one. Very regrettable reality! But it’s not only a Georgian pastime! It’s become a global commodity, and it is indeed nasty and horrible one. I very much regret to acknowledge that and I wish to be wrong! </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, "serif"; text-indent: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: #0e101a; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: #0e101a; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">Georgia should accomplish a full-scale judiciary reform and cement the rule of law in our everyday life, strengthen our belief into our courts system. If that happens then we’ll witness the flow of FDI and serious international investors.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></span></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">AK: </span></i></b><i style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">If there is anything that you would like to add for our readers,
the floor is yours.</span></i></div></div></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><br /></span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Georgia","serif"; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-latin;">TJ: </span></b><span style="color: #0e101a; font-family: Georgia, serif;">Just want to thank you very much for your patience to listen my long conversation, even excruciating tirades and elaborations! I have tried to share with you and those who may read that interview <b>only my personal and sincere views</b>, being focused, by the way, specifically on those mistakes and blunders, committed by myself and my generation of decision-makers. So, I may be wrong in my assessments and analyses. Some mistakes or blunders I described were unintentional and due to our inexperience and simple naïveté. However, there were also several intentional bloopers, mistakes, zigzags and crisscrosses, deviations, and even, as I admitted, betrayals. That’s how Georgia moved ahead and has been doing that nowadays. Some things could have been done in much better and resolute ways, but we still have accomplished many things and we need to learn how to preserve that unique legacy of accomplishments but also of mistakes made by our predecessors and not to demolish that national treasury – <b>the experience and the knowledge</b> - being obsessed with mania of reinventing the wheel. Yes, again, we are not perfect but who’s perfect in today’s world? All of us love, admire Georgia, our country that belongs to everybody whether you are in the majority or in the opposition – it belongs to the citizens of Georgia. With the same way and with same vigor we need to take care of the <b>State </b>and make it stronger but also as democratic and capable as possible. That’s kind of truism that only a <b>strong State</b>, based on the rule of law and strong viable institutions, would have the capacity to defend Georgia, a country, which we all so much revere! </span></div><br /><i><b> AK: </b>Thank you very much!</i><br /><br /><b>TJ: </b> There’s yet much to talk and observe, and share that experience, including bad one, with the next generation of Georgians not to keep them forever running around that vicious circle of mistakes, blunders and naivety. The world is going, as admitted by Chancellor Olaf Scholz, through a “<i>Zeitenwende </i>period” [turning point] and so, each country needs to make its foreign and security policy rethink, which usually should be based on sound and well-balanced, democratic domestic strategy. I hope that Georgia will do that properly – realistically and pragmatically.</div><div dir="ltr" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">
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</div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-24642880210498386192023-06-09T12:54:00.004+04:002023-06-29T12:02:30.914+04:00 Jonathan DJANOGLY MP: "The overall desires of our two countries are similar"<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 6px;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"></div></div><span style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: left;"><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: black;"></span></a><span><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-decoration-line: none;"></a><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhJC3JTB3uxgJJcAXMuemvOyX8YFdtgfM_xorNDR_Y2zrtmMWBx-v_Aulqlz7LkWCn2dw6zWMyn9Byh3rd7pfa2XpNureqMbB_vIAb-L3KlkzdRsDnugmQqr-Sqzybo03wzShOVEfHJQnYqmhER_CtQcQ1wO-SgExMFw1XTeGwhU6oFYWA1UHuHXg0TMg/s518/Janogly.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="Jonathan DJANOGLY MP" border="0" data-original-height="518" data-original-width="388" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhJC3JTB3uxgJJcAXMuemvOyX8YFdtgfM_xorNDR_Y2zrtmMWBx-v_Aulqlz7LkWCn2dw6zWMyn9Byh3rd7pfa2XpNureqMbB_vIAb-L3KlkzdRsDnugmQqr-Sqzybo03wzShOVEfHJQnYqmhER_CtQcQ1wO-SgExMFw1XTeGwhU6oFYWA1UHuHXg0TMg/w240-h320/Janogly.jpg" title="Jonathan DJANOGLY MP" width="240" /></a></div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: black;">09.06.2023</span><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #336699; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-decoration-line: none;"> (Caucasian Journal</a><span style="font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;">)</span><span><span style="background-color: transparent;"><span style="line-height: 16.632px;"> </span></span></span><span style="text-align: center;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b>The special guest of <i>Caucasian Journal</i> today is Mr. Jonathan DJANOGLY, Member of Parliament (MP) of the United Kingdom and Chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Georgia. </b></span></span></div></div></div></span></div></span></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: left;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>Alexander KAFFKA, editor-in-chief of CJ: </b></i><i> Dear Mr. Djanogly, welcome to Caucasian Journal, and many thanks for attention to our readers. You are the head of your Parliament’s Group on Georgia, and the Honorary Member of the British Georgian Society, received in recognition of “an outstanding role played in support of Anglo-Georgian relations”. May I start by asking how popular is Georgia among the British parliamentarians? What are the roots of your interest towards this region? </i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;">Jonathan DJANOGLY MP:</b><span style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"> I joined the Georgia All-Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) around ten years ago after returning from a parliamentary delegation to Georgia. I was incredibly impressed with the beauty of the Georgian countryside, its history and the warmth of its people. I was even intrigued by the complexity of its politics.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Since that time, the interest in Georgia in the British Parliament has increased significantly, and we have over fifty members of the APPG representing both the House of Commons and the House of Lords.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK:</b> I suppose there is a lot that the Members of Parliament can do to help in developing the relations with a foreign country. In case of Georgia, can you share some of the success stories of the parliamentarians’ involvement? Or, perhaps, some of the challenges that you or your colleagues helped to resolve?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><br /></i></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="text-indent: 0cm;">JD: </b><span style="text-indent: 0cm;">The main framework for British-Georgian relations is called the Wardrop Dialogue, named after a Georgian expert British Ambassador from the early part of the last century [Sir John Oliver Wardrop, 1864 -1948 – </span><i style="text-indent: 0cm;">CJ</i><span style="text-indent: 0cm;">]. This was originally inter-governmental. However, in recent times, we have extended this to include contact between our respective parliamentarians. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Visits at every level, from ministers to MPs, now regularly take place, and I know that we have all learnt a lot from interaction with each other. We do also have teams of Georgian civil servants visiting the UK to see how we run things here. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">But there are now so many more connections at different levels. For instance, only two weeks ago, I went to a reception for Georgian Chevening students. This is a scheme where our Foreign Office pays the tuition fees for foreign students. Georgia has 16 young people participating this year alone, which is tremendous.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span></span><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">Georgian Government walks a tightrope, and sometimes they will get it right, and sometimes wrong.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px;"><br /></div></div></div></div></div></div></span></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>In her 2019’s interview, the Georgian president Salome Zourabichvili made a “tongue-in-cheek bid” to take the United Kingdom’s EU place which was to become vacant after Brexit. “We will be very happy to take the place left by them,”- she said to Euronews. Many things have changes since then, both in the UK and Georgia. Can you talk about the significance of Brexit for UK, and – perhaps under that angle – about Georgia’s EU aspiration?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i.gyazo.com/eee48491ba583ccf5e8726fd7776d1c7.png" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Jonathan Djanogly leads a Westminster Hall debate on Georgia and the war in Ukraine." border="0" data-original-height="426" data-original-width="800" height="171" src="https://i.gyazo.com/eee48491ba583ccf5e8726fd7776d1c7.png" title="Jonathan Djanogly leads a Westminster Hall debate on Georgia and the war in Ukraine." width="320" /></a></div><b>JD: </b>I agree that your President's comment sounds ironic, but maybe there is some truth in it. I was personally very much in favour of Britain remaining in the EU, and, who knows, once Georgia has its EU membership (which the UK certainly supports), perhaps one day you will help us come back in and rejoin the party.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>You are not only Conservative MP with many years of political experience, but also a professional lawyer. Some of the developments in Georgian political life have had considerable international resonance – such as the recent draft laws on foreign agents. If there is anything that you wish to mention – including, but not limited to, democracy, legal reform, opposition, foreign policy, civil society, polarization and oligarchs (the “EU terms”), what would that be?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>JD:</b> I do understand that the war in Ukraine has had significant knock-on effects for Georgia, as it has more or less for most Western countries. I personally take a robust view of the need to stand up against Russian imperialist designs. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">Effective long-term governance and democratic choice can only arise out of having effective parliamentary opposition, offering positive alternatives.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px;"><br /></div></div></div></div></div></div></span></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="text-indent: 0cm;">However, it would be unrealistic to make direct comparisons between the UK and Georgia as regards Russia, both in terms of the practical implications of Russia's proximity to Georgia and the overwhelming imbalance of power. This has forced the </span><span style="text-indent: 0cm;">G</span><span style="text-indent: 0cm;">eorgian Government to walk a tightrope, and sometimes they will get it right, and sometimes wrong.</span><span style="text-indent: 0cm;"> </span><span style="text-indent: 0cm;">Certainly, Georgia's friends in Western Europe, not least the UK, were very pleased to see the draft Foreign Agents Bill withdrawn.</span></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The polarization of Georgian politics is at some point going to have to be addressed before EU membership. Recent effective protest seems to have come from the ranks of civil society groups, rather than coherent parliamentary opposition. However, effective long-term governance and democratic choice can only arise out of having effective parliamentary opposition, offering positive alternatives. This is a great challenge for Georgian politics.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>If there is anything that you would like to add for our readers, the floor is yours.</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>JD: </b>Generally speaking, the overall desires of our two countries are similar. We wish to live as free people, supporting democratic values. In addition, we want to improve the standards of living of our people through encouraging free markets and free trade. We also both love rugby. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Over the ten years that I have followed Georgia, relations between our two countries have deepened and constantly improved. Trade between our two countries is increasing, and more British people are now hearing of the tremendous tourist experience that Georgia has to offer. So, I am very positive for our future working together.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="font-family: inherit; text-indent: 0cm;"> </span></div></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-indent: 0cm;"></p><div><a href="http://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="clear: right; color: #336699; float: right; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em; text-decoration-line: none;"><img border="0" height="20" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgMNzdlRhJ0kGUbW_szml-FL3DWRne16sJXkFH5I5Xa7C5AGJdd7TiUz_9ltIU7wPE1eSJsZYHksLj4udjpGDeNcy03xmcY6xQvsQUeC_qSseKt0sZ6xsrzGWgg6jY_9YlP7Iob7VlMlMeC/s200/favicon.jpg" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: none; box-shadow: transparent 0px 0px 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative;" width="20" /></a></div><span style="font-family: inherit;"><b><i><span style="color: #0e101a;"> </span></i></b><b><i><span style="color: #0e101a;">AK:</span></i></b><i><span style="color: #0e101a;">
Thank you very much</span></i></span><span style="color: #0e101a;"><i>!</i></span></div></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div></div></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 16.632px; margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: left;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; text-align: center;"><div><div style="text-align: left;"><div><div dir="ltr" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: line-height: 16.632px; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="text-align: center;"><p style="line-height: 24px; text-align: left;"><b style="line-height: 16.632px; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #3d85c6; font-family: inherit;">You are welcome to follow <i>Caucasian Journal</i> at:</span></b></p></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div style="font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; text-align: center;"><p style="line-height: 17.82px; text-align: left;"><span face=""arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif"><a href="https://news.google.com/publications/CAAqBwgKMMjElwsw_-2uAw?hl=en-US&gl=US&ceid=US%3Aen&fbclid=IwAR0auZLYbT-qLZOZbVAeQw609AtjCQ2fwY8ntHfRSvpcj2I1wGEkJMly9y0"><b>Google News</b></a> * <b><a href="https://twitter.com/CaucasianJourna">Twitter</a></b> * <b><a href="https://www.facebook.com/CaucasianJournal.org/">Facebook</a></b> * <b><a href="https://caucasian-journal.medium.com/">Medium</a></b> * <b><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/company/caucasian-journal/">LinkedIn</a></b> * <b><a href="https://www.youtube.com/c/CaucasianJournal">YouTube</a></b> * <b><a href="http://caucasianjournal.blogspot.com/feeds/posts/default?alt=rss">RSS</a></b></span></p></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div id="mc_embed_signup0"><form action="https://caucasianjournal.us19.list-manage.com/subscribe/post?u=40af9cbc852a70e11bc5f14af&id=b49951f0c3" class="validate" id="mc-embedded-subscribe-form0" method="post" name="mc-embedded-subscribe-form0" novalidate="" target="_blank"><div id="mc_embed_signup_scroll0"><p style="text-align: left;"><b><span style="color: #3d85c6; font-family: inherit;">To request an email subscription to <i>Caucasian Journal</i>, enter your email address:</span></b></p><div class="mc-field-group" style="text-align: left;"><p><label><span style="color: #3d85c6; font-family: inherit;">Email Address</span> </label><input class="required email" id="mce-EMAIL" name="EMAIL" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: medium;" type="email" value="" /></p></div><div class="clear" id="mce-responses" style="text-align: left;"></div><div aria-hidden="true" style="left: -5000px; position: absolute; text-align: left;"><input name="b_40af9cbc852a70e11bc5f14af_b49951f0c3" tabindex="-1" type="text" value="" /></div><p style="font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; line-height: 17.82px;"><!--real people should not fill this in and expect good things - do not remove this or risk form bot signups--><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: medium; text-align: left;"></span></p><div class="clear" style="text-align: left;"><input class="button" id="mc-embedded-subscribe" name="subscribe" type="submit" value="Subscribe" /></div></div></form></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div>
</div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-83598042018720211612023-06-01T16:09:00.012+04:002023-06-02T19:03:58.708+04:00Professor Dan HEALEY: "Oxford University is keenly interested in Georgian affairs"<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 6px;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"></div></div><span style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: left;"><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="color: black;"></span></a><span style="color: black;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-decoration-line: none;"></a><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgd23wgxziqWPQ5jMai0hsEfwrFt74qb86q86MaSCHaNI-TFwjNDRw1g_XvrixgzXKPvzQWfqBpryg8AJIyH3X7GyACyR124V2ttL4uDPXsgSwjTVYY59xhPvg6K5P6z8QM95JyanqJw7JN4dMy0QRC7k4LMHXncrzKpiC6UaZj_uY35KDgzOtzZsfGBA/s459/Dan%20Healey.jpg" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="459" data-original-width="349" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgd23wgxziqWPQ5jMai0hsEfwrFt74qb86q86MaSCHaNI-TFwjNDRw1g_XvrixgzXKPvzQWfqBpryg8AJIyH3X7GyACyR124V2ttL4uDPXsgSwjTVYY59xhPvg6K5P6z8QM95JyanqJw7JN4dMy0QRC7k4LMHXncrzKpiC6UaZj_uY35KDgzOtzZsfGBA/w243-h320/Dan%20Healey.jpg" title="Dan Healey" width="243" /></a></div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: black;">01.06.2023</span><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #336699; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; text-decoration-line: none;"> (Caucasian Journal</a><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;">)</span><span style="color: #333333;"><span style="background-color: transparent;"><span style="line-height: 16.632px;"> </span></span></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b>While the Britain’s Oxford University is hosting its second Georgia-Oxford Forum “Georgia In A Changing World” tomorrow on June 2, <i>Caucasian Journal</i> has interviewed Professor Dan HEALEY, Georgian Programme Coordinator at the Oxford University’s School of Global and Area Studies, author of many books on social and cultural history of Soviet Union and post-Soviet states. </b></span></div></div></span></div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b><br /></b></span></div><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b>We are thankful to Professor Healey for taking time to answer our questions on the very eve of the <a href="https://www.rees.ox.ac.uk/event/the-second-georgia-oxford-forum">Georgia-Oxford Forum</a></b></span><b style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif;">. </b></div></span></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: left;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>Alexander KAFFKA, editor-in-chief of CJ: </b></i><i> Dear Professor Healey, I guess your agenda must be especially busy these days due to the Forum, but that's also one of the reasons why your answers are especially topical. May I start by asking what the Oxford University’s Georgian Programme is about, and how popular is Georgia among the Oxford students?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b><br /></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;">Dan HEALEY: </b><span style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;">The Georgian Programme at Oxford University has grown organically over several years. We have a number of different initiatives. They are all housed in the Oxford School of Global and Area Studies – but we collaborate with many other branches of the University. So for example, we have 17 students currently learning the Georgian language, from absolute beginners (I am one of these students - მე ვწავლობ ქართულს) to accomplished literary translators. Our teacher of Georgian is Lia Chokoshvili, and she is amazing, inspiring, and extremely effective. Another part of the language work she does is literary translation and publication of Georgian literature in English. The highest-level students participate in a Translation Seminar run by Lia, and they produce quality translations of Georgian classic and modern literature into English. Right now they are working on Goderdzi Chokheli’s novel <i>Human Sadness</i>. It will be published in English by Dedalus Books, with support from the Georgian Writers’ House. And they’ve just published a bilingual edition of the fables of Sulkhan-Saba Orbeliani from his<i> Book of Wisdom and Lies</i>. Future work by the Translation Seminar is generously supported this year by the Ministry of Education of Georgia.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><br /></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><span><a name='more'></a></span><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="text-indent: 0cm;">Another major part of the Programme involves early career Georgian scholars, who come to Oxford for a one-year residency. This is funded by the Shota Rustaveli National Science Foundation of Georgia (SRNSFG), for the benefit of Georgia’s young generation of researchers. During their year in Oxford, the young Georgian post-doctoral scholars meet with Oxford professors and researchers to discuss their mutual interests; they present their work in seminars; and they use the networks and resources of Oxford to produce new works of research. They also convene a Georgian Studies seminar in Oxford to show their research, and those of colleagues they invite, to our interested audiences in the University. We currently have three visiting scholars – a social anthropologist, a historian, and an expert on Georgian manuscripts, working in the Oxford School of Global and Area Studies, all working on topics in Georgian studies. You can see their profiles at this </span><a href="https://www.rees.ox.ac.uk/georgian-studies-fellows" style="text-indent: 0cm;">link</a><span style="text-indent: 0cm;">.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://i.gyazo.com/9e5dc14d0ed7d702fc102d8d5b4a9177.png" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Georgia-Oxford Forum" border="0" data-original-height="413" data-original-width="800" height="168" src="https://i.gyazo.com/9e5dc14d0ed7d702fc102d8d5b4a9177.png" title="Georgia-Oxford Forum" width="323" /></a></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="text-indent: 0cm;">Since 2016, we have hosted 15 visiting Georgian scholars on this exciting programme. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>This year’s Georgia-Oxford Forum is already the second one on the row. How can you assess the significance and scope of this event?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>DH: </b>We’re very excited about this event, which is a flagship of our Programme. I believe that it demonstrates that Oxford University is keenly interested in Georgian affairs and especially in the academic study of Georgia’s humanities and social sciences. We have speakers from the worlds of education, policy-making, diplomacy, and international relations. This year’s Forum is going to be bigger and more diverse than ever!</div><br /><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>May I ask who’s the main sponsor of the forums and the Georgian Programme in general? Do you think the level of financing is adequate, and is there anything that might be done to make the Georgia-related activities more effective?</i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>DH: </b>Much of our sponsorship comes from Georgia itself: the SRNSFG is a key player, and we benefit from the support of the Embassy of Georgia with its broad range of contacts in the Georgia-UK community of partners. We’re extremely grateful for this support and couldn’t produce the Forum without their participation. The Oxford School of Global and Area Studies provides administrative and logistical support for the event, which is held in St Antony’s College, another important partner. We’re always looking for ways to identify more support from partners in Georgia and elsewhere – Oxford University has a Development Team that assists us with fundraising activity.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: black;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;"> Fight for EU membership, democracy, and a decent future!</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div><div style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px;"><br /></div></div></div></div></div><p class="MsoNormal" style="color: black; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><i style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><b>AK: </b>Your main area of expertise is Russia, in particular the history of sexualities and gender, medicine, and GULAG - correct me if I’m wrong. How did you get interested in Georgia, and is it connected to your current research interests?</i></p></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>DH:</b> I trained as a historian of Russia and the Soviet Union and when I was a student in Russia in the 1980s-90s, I quickly learned that Georgia had a huge reputation for excellent culture, cuisine, and wine! I first visited Georgia in 2011 to do archival research on the medical system in the republic, as part of a larger project about doctors in Stalin’s Gulag camps. Georgian doctors were sent to work in the camps of the Soviet Far East and North along with other Soviet medical personnel. I have been returning regularly since that first visit, and I have visited Svaneti, Kakheti, and the area around Tbilisi too. I also enjoy reading contemporary Georgian literature: Aka Morchiladze, Nino Haratishvili, Zurab Karumidze…</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><i><b>AK: </b>I am sure among our readers there are many young people who might be attracted to the idea of going to Oxford or other British universities for study or research. How feasible is that, and is there anything that you would like to tell them, in practical terms? </i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>DH: </b>I always recommend reaching out to the professors, programme directors, and staff who run the course you want to come and do. Nothing works like personal contact, and you will find out much more than just what’s on a website if you send a brief email with some focused questions. And they want to hear from you!</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="color: black; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;"><i style="color: #0e101a; text-indent: 0cm;"><b>AK:</b> In her 2019’s interview, the Georgian president Salome Zourabichvili made a “tongue-in-cheek bid” to take the United Kingdom’s EU place which was to become vacant after Brexit. “We will be very happy to take the place left by them,”- she said to Euronews. Can you say a few wordsabout the significance of Brexit for UK, and – perhaps under that angle – about Georgia’s EU aspiration?</i></p></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><b>DH: </b>I voted ‘Remain’ in 2016. A majority of British people now think Brexit was a mistake. Our economy is worse off and falling behind our neighbours’ by a painful margin. Some of our politicians were extremely dishonest about what we would gain by leaving the EU. Others were confused, demoralized, and frankly, careless. Our political class across all parties has displayed a sad lack of care about the national interest – IMHO. Do not let that happen to Georgia: fight for EU membership, democracy, and a decent future. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="font-family: inherit; text-indent: 0cm;"> </span></div></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm; text-indent: 0cm;"></p><div><a href="http://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="clear: right; color: #336699; float: right; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em; text-decoration-line: none;"><img border="0" height="20" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgMNzdlRhJ0kGUbW_szml-FL3DWRne16sJXkFH5I5Xa7C5AGJdd7TiUz_9ltIU7wPE1eSJsZYHksLj4udjpGDeNcy03xmcY6xQvsQUeC_qSseKt0sZ6xsrzGWgg6jY_9YlP7Iob7VlMlMeC/s200/favicon.jpg" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; border: none; box-shadow: transparent 0px 0px 0px; padding: 0px; position: relative;" width="20" /></a></div><span style="font-family: inherit;"><b><i><span style="color: #0e101a;"> </span></i></b><b><i><span style="color: #0e101a;">AK:</span></i></b><i><span style="color: #0e101a;">
Thank you very much for the answers, and good luck to the </span></i></span><span style="color: #0e101a;"><i>Georgia-Oxford Forum!</i></span></div></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div></div></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 16.632px; margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: left;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="color: #333333; text-align: center;"><div><div style="text-align: left;"><div><div dir="ltr" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: line-height: 16.632px; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="text-align: center;"><p style="line-height: 24px; text-align: left;"><b style="line-height: 16.632px; text-align: center;"><span style="color: #3d85c6; font-family: inherit;">You are welcome to follow <i>Caucasian Journal</i> at:</span></b></p></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div style="font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; text-align: center;"><p style="line-height: 17.82px; text-align: left;"><span face=""arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif"><a href="https://news.google.com/publications/CAAqBwgKMMjElwsw_-2uAw?hl=en-US&gl=US&ceid=US%3Aen&fbclid=IwAR0auZLYbT-qLZOZbVAeQw609AtjCQ2fwY8ntHfRSvpcj2I1wGEkJMly9y0"><b>Google News</b></a> * <b><a href="https://twitter.com/CaucasianJourna">Twitter</a></b> * <b><a href="https://www.facebook.com/CaucasianJournal.org/">Facebook</a></b> * <b><a href="https://caucasian-journal.medium.com/">Medium</a></b> * <b><a href="https://www.linkedin.com/company/caucasian-journal/">LinkedIn</a></b> * <b><a href="https://www.youtube.com/c/CaucasianJournal">YouTube</a></b> * <b><a href="http://caucasianjournal.blogspot.com/feeds/posts/default?alt=rss">RSS</a></b></span></p></div><div style="text-align: center;"><div id="mc_embed_signup0"><form action="https://caucasianjournal.us19.list-manage.com/subscribe/post?u=40af9cbc852a70e11bc5f14af&id=b49951f0c3" class="validate" id="mc-embedded-subscribe-form0" method="post" name="mc-embedded-subscribe-form0" novalidate="" target="_blank"><div id="mc_embed_signup_scroll0"><p style="text-align: left;"><b><span style="color: #3d85c6; font-family: inherit;">To request an email subscription to <i>Caucasian Journal</i>, enter your email address:</span></b></p><div class="mc-field-group" style="text-align: left;"><p><label><span style="color: #3d85c6; font-family: inherit;">Email Address</span> </label><input class="required email" id="mce-EMAIL" name="EMAIL" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: medium;" type="email" value="" /></p></div><div class="clear" id="mce-responses" style="text-align: left;"></div><div aria-hidden="true" style="left: -5000px; position: absolute; text-align: left;"><input name="b_40af9cbc852a70e11bc5f14af_b49951f0c3" tabindex="-1" type="text" value="" /></div><p style="font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; line-height: 17.82px;"><!--real people should not fill this in and expect good things - do not remove this or risk form bot signups--><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: medium; text-align: left;"></span></p><div class="clear" style="text-align: left;"><input class="button" id="mc-embedded-subscribe" name="subscribe" type="submit" value="Subscribe" /></div></div></form></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div>
</div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-73317157057183078312023-05-05T00:05:00.011+04:002023-05-20T20:05:03.801+04:00Fady ASLY: "I'm very sad, but this can change quickly" (video)<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 6px;"><div style="padding: 5px;"><span style="color: #333333;"><span style="font-size: 11.88px;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://youtu.be/uNwkGknCX3A" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1080" data-original-width="1920" height="113" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh1NFEhgfqwq-2W9jBaf5RfQTDUJW5jCRzzGMjRJu3D4gyev8u2o6Ktrsl29JJ-L2KFAf1SAjGWHLSTFu_0cwSDbVMHa7ZsCJB9U3KUj9MnmDeL8pamPHWi7WL1FCi0WpYh-_j6LVDjRMszHafkldOmGcqrcBs-zOgK_2cMSqqX5YfCQOdS2Drs2o6d1w/w200-h113/MVI_6154.00_03_30_02.Still002.jpg" width="200" /></a></div></div>04.05.2023<span style="font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"> (</span></span></span><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #336699; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; text-decoration-line: none;">Caucasian Journal</a><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.88px;">) </span></span><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.88px;"><b> F</b></span></span><b style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px;">ady ASLY, Chairman of the International Chamber of Commerce in Georgia (ICC Georgia), gave an </b><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.88px;"><b>extensive</b></span></span><b style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px;"> video interview to </b><b style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px;"><i>Caucasian Journal. </i></b></div><div style="padding: 5px;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><b style="font-size: 11.88px;">The interview was linked to the recent </b><span style="font-size: 11.88px;"><b>appointment</b></span><b style="font-size: 11.88px;"> of Mr. Asly as chairman of the ICC Regional Consultative Group. However, besides </b><b style="font-size: 11.88px;">the ICC's news, the conversation with Mr. Asly covered a broad range of Georgia's economic and political </b><b style="font-size: 11.88px;">issues - from FDI to corruption, and from the judiciary system to the </b><span style="font-size: 11.88px;"><b>country's</b></span><b style="font-size: 11.88px;"> EU accession perspective. </b><span style="font-size: 11.88px;"><b>Watch the video talk below.</b></span></span></div></div></div><div><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, Palatino Linotype, Palatino, serif;"><span style="font-size: 11.88px;"><i><br /></i></span></span></div><div><span style="background-color: transparent;">To be the first to view all our exclusive video interviews, please subscribe </span><b style="background-color: transparent;"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/c/CaucasianJournal">here</a></b><span style="background-color: transparent;"> to our </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/c/CaucasianJournal" style="background-color: transparent;">YouTube Channel</a><span style="background-color: transparent;">.</span></div></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; 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Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-328275722182858884.post-21107370997092289382023-04-30T20:44:00.013+04:002023-06-04T16:03:58.174+04:00A historic step: Azerbaijani and Armenian journalists agree on the “Language of Peace”<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="background-color: white;"><div class="kvgmc6g5 cxmmr5t8 oygrvhab hcukyx3x c1et5uql" style="margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><div dir="ltr" trbidi="on"><div style="text-align: center;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div dir="ltr" trbidi="on"><div style="background-color: #b7d2f0; padding: 10px;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; font-weight: 400;">30.04.2023 (</span><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="color: #336699; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; font-weight: 400; text-decoration-line: none;">Caucasian Journal</a><span style="color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; font-weight: 400;">).</span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; font-weight: 400;"><span style="font-size: 11.88px;"><b> </b></span></span><span style="color: #444444; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; font-weight: bold;">For the first time in 35 years, the Azerbaijani and Armenian journalists gathered at the same table during a workshop in Tbilisi. </span><b style="color: #444444; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px;">In a joint statement the journalists agreed to put a ban on “hate speech”. See full text below.</b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px;"><span style="color: #444444; font-size: 11.88px;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-weight: bold;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; font-weight: bold; text-align: center;"><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/2023/04/a-historic-step-azerbaijani-and.html" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="Workshop on Peace and the Role of the Media in the South Caucasus Banner" border="0" data-original-height="1059" data-original-width="1849" height="183" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgsVLG_RD8JXO1S-D7qcBART9YQnF4Ln1ya9ePbzLr0TcO90qV4QEEo0OAeRu6Kx5U26f3IOrxFwyvoEfZh3scggl6wuQgRV9KqbKUhWEyzXSgwVXvNRTAfWhUKj7dy4fkhL9QKs9NReI3gMWuOBgXPXlmOaRTV5Gfv6FfK2V_qdbi3pYbY4dJdPz1oiQ/w320-h183/GJC.png" width="320" /></a></div><span style="font-size: 11.88px;">In addition to participants from Azerbaijan and Armenia, the unique workshop was attended by journalists from Turkey and Georgia, as observers.</span></div></span></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></span><div class="kvgmc6g5 cxmmr5t8 oygrvhab hcukyx3x c1et5uql" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; font-weight: 400; margin: 0px; overflow-wrap: break-word;"><br /></div>On 28-29 April 2023 Tbilisi hosted "GJC Workshop on Peace and the Role of the Media in the South Caucasus". The event was organized under the leadership of the Global Journalism Council (GJC/KGK), the Turkey's leading international non-governmental organization in the field of mass media.</div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Mehmet Ali Dim, KGK Chairman (Turkey) made the opening speech of the workshop, stating that the workshop proposal came first from Azerbaijan. He said: “We have worked on this subject for 3-4 months. It was very difficult, but we succeeded. I would like to thank the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu, who supported our efforts”. Mr. Dim stated that the determination of the peoples of the region for permanent peace has increased after the painful events experienced in the region during 35 years, especially after the second Karabakh war in 2020. "We met here today to talk about what we, journalists, can do to end a long and painful conflict. There is an urgent need for the language of peace in the media. I especially thank our colleagues from Azerbaijan and Armenia for their constructive behavior and I believe that at the end of this workshop, we will send a message of hope to the region and the world at a time when the world is experiencing great tensions.” </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><span><a name='more'></a></span><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">A journalist can change the world if he wants to.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div><div style="font-size: 11.88px;"><br /></div></div></div></div>Mr. Dim continued: “Some leading journalists from Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia are also here. The common goal of all of us is to contribute to the establishment of lasting peace in the South Caucasus. A journalist can change the world if he wants to," - he noted.<br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both;"><br /></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Turkish journalist Ardan Zentürk, who moderated the workshop, said: “It is a clear fact that the journalists gathered here do not have political aims. We, on the contrary, have gathered here as professionals who question politicians and raise tough questions against their attitudes and views that keep peace away from the agenda. We believe that this is a long journey and that deep-rooted thoughts can only be changed with patience.” In the workshop he opened, a total of 20 journalists from four countries took the floor one by one and expressed their views without time limit. </div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0cm; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></p><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">We have to channel the power of the media for peace.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Speaking on behalf of the Armenian delegation, Arminfo News Agency's general director Emmanuil Mkrtchyan said: “People in the South Caucasus are not in favor of war. Now the desire to live in peace comes to the fore. Peace does not happen only when the people want it. Public pressure is also very important. We are ready to do whatever we have to do in this regard. We have to channel the power of the media for peace".</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Speaking on behalf of the Azerbaijani delegation, Yegane Hajiyeva, Deputy Chairman of the Azerbaijan Press Council, said: “Mothers should not cry, children should not be fatherless. It is never difficult to establish peace if everyone does their part. We met here for the first time at the same table with our Armenian colleagues. We thank the Global Journalism Council for this. This is a historic step and we believe it will continue.”</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0cm; text-indent: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: inherit;"> </span></p><div class="separator" style="background-color: white; clear: both; color: #333333; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt; widows: 1;"><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><div style="background-color: #d8fde9; padding: 10px;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="text-align: left;"><div style="text-align: right;"><div style="margin: 0px;"><div style="font-size: 11.88px; margin: 0px;"><b style="color: #76a5af; font-family: "helvetica neue", arial, helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 16.632px;">As the Georgian nation, we are determined to do our best to solve the problems between our two neighbors and achieve a lasting peace.</b></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Georgian journalist Avtandil Otinashvili, KGK's representative in Tbilisi, stated that Georgia is proud of holding this important workshop in the capital of Georgia and said: “When we received the proposal, we accepted it with great honor, because Tbilisi is the most suitable place for our Armenian and Azerbaijani friends to come together. As the Georgian nation, we are determined to do our best to solve the problems between our two neighbors and achieve a lasting peace".</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">Journalists have come to a consensus on the establishment of common mechanisms against the maneuvers of global powers over the media and social media in the era of "hybrid wars" and fake news that pose a great threat to peace. In addition, it was decided that the nations of the region should get to know each other's cultural structures closely, and that supportive publications should be made on joint economic projects and investments that will form the basis of peace. <i><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/">Caucasian Journal</a>, </i>which was conceived as the South Caucasian regional media platform, offers full support to this initiative and is willing to contribute to these important initiatives.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div><table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><tbody><tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi5S5HGuRa6wL6zln75RkVuio3sfuOlIFrNX-Q01LhslY0ju9kwV3ajMrCkuQdJfwW_9Z970IxrDbuKG8jkb4deq6FRBEFMWf-6IbhvhiRn7qyk-fUuAw_lgB2IF0yI76LHNJ1uogZNUAAYqTx3lkIH88qysBKKLXD7WwWx3kI46kulOw1_Qty4HfSeKg/s3221/GJC%20doc.png" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img alt="Workshop on Peace and the Role of the Media in the South Caucasus Statement" border="0" data-original-height="1572" data-original-width="3221" height="285" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi5S5HGuRa6wL6zln75RkVuio3sfuOlIFrNX-Q01LhslY0ju9kwV3ajMrCkuQdJfwW_9Z970IxrDbuKG8jkb4deq6FRBEFMWf-6IbhvhiRn7qyk-fUuAw_lgB2IF0yI76LHNJ1uogZNUAAYqTx3lkIH88qysBKKLXD7WwWx3kI46kulOw1_Qty4HfSeKg/w585-h285/GJC%20doc.png" width="585" /></a></td></tr><tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Click on image to enlarge</td></tr></tbody></table><br /><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;">The Workshop decided to adopt a Joint Statement (see <a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi5S5HGuRa6wL6zln75RkVuio3sfuOlIFrNX-Q01LhslY0ju9kwV3ajMrCkuQdJfwW_9Z970IxrDbuKG8jkb4deq6FRBEFMWf-6IbhvhiRn7qyk-fUuAw_lgB2IF0yI76LHNJ1uogZNUAAYqTx3lkIH88qysBKKLXD7WwWx3kI46kulOw1_Qty4HfSeKg/s3221/GJC%20doc.png">scan</a>), based on joint approval of the delegations of Azerbaijan and Armenia with the support from journalists from Turkey and Georgia. In particular, it included following statements:</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><ul style="text-align: left;"><li>The parties have reached a consensus on the determination of publishing principles in order to end the propaganda of vengeful views by eliminating all kinds of hate speech in regional press/broadcasting organizations, and to make the next generations adopt the principle of living together in peace".</li><li>In line with this consensus, derogatory, marginalizing and inciting violence cannot be used against any nation. The parties underline their belief that the nations of the South Caucasus, which have lived together for centuries, will live together in peace and on the basis of mutual respect in the future.</li><li>The parties believe that the accumulated problems in the South Caucasus can be solved by getting to know each other more closely. For this reason, they believe that the work of media organizations for the closer recognition of national cultures by other publics is of vital importance.</li><li>The parties agree that one of the biggest threats to peace in the region is fake news. They believe that the fight against disinformation is essential. They strongly desire the establishment of a verification mechanism in this regard as quickly as possible and the involvement of Georgian colleagues in this process.</li><li>The parties believe that warm and peaceful cooperation between the nations of the region stems from strong economic ties. For this reason, they decided that all national media organizations should increase the news coverage of common economic projects, investment plans, policies to increase production and employment, environmental problems and especially tourism, and increase the exchange of news on these issues.<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: right;"><a href="https://english.caucasianjournal.org/" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="200" data-original-width="200" height="22" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEglHXCDCgINEkP3tNDAz4FIK_aKtdRyRnxYQDtt-abADiJq1OOeCJWAbMbINZBEkeGb0nhUMgF5qevEVCQv0zm52B_2xQ3VXLZSCjKGo_v7YSEDbF74gB2R7008YvOlZBJIzCAHYFqE-KXUBCF2QH96opaY9Jb6G3wSiXW0lLrDNqG8ie8TrPjkFUfIOQ=w22-h22" width="22" /></a></div></li></ul></div></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #134f5c; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px;">This article was re-published by:</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #134f5c; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 11.88px;"><i>- <a href="http://Aze.Media">Aze.Media</a> </i></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 2pt;"><br /></div></div><div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on"><div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; line-height: 16.632px; margin-bottom: 2pt; text-align: left;">
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